NATO and the EU: Cooperation?
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1 NATO and the EU: Cooperation? This article assesses the current state of affairs of EU-NATO cooperation in the field of capability development. While improvements can be made to both formal and informal cooperation mechanisms in this field, real progress will not be possible until underlying strategic differences over the future of European security are resolved. In the meantime, real work on avoiding duplication and fostering strategic coherence is best coordinated through capitals. ISIS and DCAF will hold a meeting with MEPs and NATO Parliamentarians on 13 April in Brussels, looking at EU-NATO Capabilities. Introduction No. 48, February 2010 Coordination in capability development is often touted as a success story for NATO-EU relations by both sides, and many recommendations for improved relations contain references to this field. However, complaining of a lack of real coordination and cooperation in EU-NATO capability development seems par for the course on both sides of the aisle. Indeed, the NATO-EU Capability Group s meetings are often said by officials to consist of largely formulaic information exchange. Such an important area of NATO- EU relations deserves more attention and investment of energy from political leadership. While strategic divergence on the EU side and the participation problem 1 impede real progress in this area; improvements are possible in the working of the EU-NATO Capability Group and in informal staffto-staff contact. However, as long as there is no consensus on the EU side regarding the future of European security; capability development coherence is best coordinated at a national-level. The current debate on improving EU-NATO cooperation is viewed primarily through three lenses: 1) at the political level, 2) in ongoing operations in common theatres (Afghanistan, Balkans and off the coast of East Africa) and 3) in the development of military and possibly other capabilities. Many would agree that cooperation in this last area is not as crucial as the ad-hoc cooperation in the field where lives and large strategic purposes are at stake. However, the need for a fully inclusive and open dialogue between the organisations regarding their respective pursuit of the capabilities needed to fulfil their goals has increased in times of budgetary pressure. You say NATO and I say EU The development of military and other capabilities at the EU and at NATO answers to different priorities and follows different methodologies. Thus, an inherent element of disjunction exists in capability development. The EU is a broader complex of institutions with a wider mandate, greater civilian focus and deeper instruments than those available to the politico-military Alliance. While EU aspirations on 1 The participation problem refers to the political and institutional problems the two organisations face in capability cooperation.
2 civilian capabilities in CSDP are better known, its CSDP aspirations have also required the development of military capabilities. 2 On the other side, NATO members are extremely dedicated to ensuring that its military forces are fully capable of meeting the challenges of the times. However, the question of developing civilian capabilities has arisen within NATO as recent experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan have demonstrated the need for capacity and abilities in the areas of reconstruction and stabilisation. 3 Thus, while current overlap of capability development is in the military sphere, there is a risk of future duplication in non-military capabilities as well. Individual European NATO Allies have a single set of forces for NATO, EU and national purposes. What is at question is that these states do not want to be given separate and inconsistent goals from the organisations they belong to, and thus have a strong interest in ensuring that capability development is not pulled in two directions. Members of both organisations are faced with a difficult choice: To whom do they commit available military capabilities? It seems many are currently committing capabilities to both organisations; but this is not financially sustainable in the long run. There was hope that the NATO and EU defence planning process 4 could be brought together, but this has encountered obstacles, including EU fears that its autonomy would be infringed upon by the Alliance with greater experience in this area and the participation problem, now due in part to problems posed by Cyprus and Turkey. The EU-NATO Capability Group Today, formal coordination on capability development takes place in the aforementioned NATO-EU Capability Group, which meets approximately every 4 to 6 weeks alternating between NATO HQ and the Council Justus Lipsius building in Brussels. Membership of the group comprises NATO Allies and Non- NATO EU Member States that have a security agreement with NATO, as insisted upon by Turkey. Both sides brief on common capability issues, and then there is time for Q&A and statements, although these are rare in practice. One potential avenue for improvement cited by officials on both sides would be the exchange of briefing content prior to the meetings, which currently does not occur due to fears that internal divisions would arise on the EU side. The make-up of the attendees varies, but the EU is usually represented by Permanent Representations counsellors to the Political-Military Group, the EDA s Policy and Plans unit, and the Council Secretariat CMPD (previously Directorate 8). On the NATO side, the meetings are attended by Defence Policy and Planning; the International Military Staff, the Defence Investment Division and defence counsellors and advisors from the missions and capitals. There are usually two or three items on the agenda, but at times single issue meetings occur (i.e. Maritime Surveillance during Swedish Presidency). It is these specific targeted meetings that many find more useful. The country holding the EU presidency often sets out to seize the initiative, and improve the effectiveness of the forum, but often run into the usual political obstacles. For example, the Czech and Swedish Presidencies undertook an initiative whereby nations were represented by their MOD s policy directors. 2 See also article on EU military capabilities by Johann Herz Military Capabilities: A Step Forward in ESDP in ESR No. 46, October Development of civilian capabilities at NATO promises to be an uphill battle. The existing Civil Emergency Planning capabilities at NATO were strongly resisted by France in particular. 4 Defence planning in this context refers to the collective setting of targets and performance review. This entails close examination of individual Member States programs and budgets.
3 Political Pandering - The Participation Problem The Capability Group is hampered by a growing reticence on the part of the EU to fully engage without the participation of all its Member States. A common lament on the EU side is that formal EU-NATO frameworks are essentially unbalanced negotiations between a unified and cohesive Alliance and individual EU Member States. Additionally, the absence of a security agreement between NATO and the European Defence Agency (EDA), as well as an administrative arrangement between Turkey and the EDA are substantial hindrances. One EU official expressed the view that Turkey had been misled and eventually cheated in its desire to obtain an administrative arrangement with the EDA. Turkey agreed to the integration of the Western European Armaments Group (WEAG) into the EDA in 2004, with the tacit understanding that it would be given an administrative arrangement with the new agency so as to be able to participate in its work. Even though Norway, a country in a similar position, was able to sign an administrative arrangement with the EDA, Greece called for a security agreement to be signed between the EU and Turkey as a prerequisite to Turkey s participation in EDA programs. While the Council secretariat s legal service has not agreed with this stance, the issue is blocked at the political level mainly by Cyprus. Informal Contacts With the formal framework stalled, both organisations largely rely on EU-NATO staff-to-staff dialogue and exchange, which works reasonably well. According to senior officials on both sides, staff-to-staff contact has been key to the success of recent helicopter initiatives that aim to increase the number of available helicopters for operations, particularly in Afghanistan. One example of this is NATO s Hip Helicopter Task Force 5, which also invites representatives from the EDA to provide advice and assistance on training. Related to this program is the UK-French Multinational Helicopter Initiative (MHI), which supports the financing of helicopter deployment-related activities and whose membership is not restricted. In addition, the same national experts often attend working group meetings at the EDA and at NATO, so coherence-building and information exchange is fostered. EDA Chief Executive Alexander Weis and NATO s Supreme Allied Commander Transformation General Abrial have had informal contact, including a visit by Abrial to EDA HQ in mid Staff-to-staff contacts also allow the organisations to better align their priority shortfall areas, so that efforts to address these shortfalls are more coordinated and coherent. At his press conference following the recent informal NATO Defence Ministers meeting in Istanbul, Secretary General Rasmussen emphasised the importance of multinational projects in times of budgetary pressure, and highlighted medical facilities, counter-ied technology and heavy-lift helicopters as three areas that could benefit from closer cooperation with the EU. 5 The NATO Hip Helicopter Task Force (HHTF) is responsible for the development of a multi-national transport helicopter programme for NATO to help those countries that do not have the resources to deploy and run a transport helicopter operation on their own.
4 Which Way Forward? Formal cooperation in the field of capabilities today is hampered by deep political problems on both sides, so coordination now largely relies on informal mechanisms. This informal staff-to-staff contact should be enhanced as much as possible, especially between the EDA steering board and ACT. Specific projects, addressing common shortfalls, should be undertaken whenever possible, building on the example of recent helicopter initiatives. An EU official states that the ideal situation would be an organisation-to-organisation approach, and that states which are not members of both organisations should have the same right of participation as those who are. However, the utopian vision of all EU Member States accepting Turkey s participation in the EDA and Turkey softening its interpretation of the inclusiveness of the NATO-EU agreed framework does not seem close to realizing itself. Nevertheless, the EU should do its utmost to conclude the Turkey- EDA administrative arrangement. Concerning the NATO-EU Capability Group, whose effectiveness is widely questioned, initial improvements could include the exchange of presentations prior to the meetings, more emphasis on single-issue meetings and a continuation of the Swedish and Czech initiatives of holding the meetings at the level of policy directors. Deeper Impediments As long as deep divergence of opinion exists within the EU concerning the future of European security, all aspects of the EU-NATO relationship, including capability development, will suffer. The current reluctance to address the political question of who should guarantee European security is poisoning the relationship on all levels. At the level of military capability development, one camp-largely led by the UK, remains committed to NATO for the foreseeable future while another camp, largely led by France, hopes to see CSDP become more robust, along with the development of purely European military capabilities that that implies. Indeed, the planners for the new CSDP structures of the EU do not hide their desire for an EU operational headquarters. Closely tied to their difference of opinion on the future of European security is how closely these two camps want the EU and NATO to cooperate. The French camp would prefer cooperation to remain minimal, due to fears of NATO overwhelming a still immature CSDP. On the other hand, the UK camp would welcome closer cooperation, but wishes to see CSDP remain minimised, with a clear division of tasks between the two organisations. Conflict also exists within and between EU Member ministries. NATO Missions and EU Permanent Representations compete for influence with capitals and representatives of different ministries are given conflicting directives. Thus, in this perspective, the EU-NATO Capability group is largely a compulsory political exercise to make it appear as if the organisations are sitting at the same table; neither side can afford to suggest that there is no cooperation. As one official deplored, I hate the EU-NATO Capability Group. Results of meetings are marginal are best, but non-papers and recommendations can still be churned out, even if useless.
5 Conclusion Although steps could be taken to improve the working of the NATO-EU Capability Group, and increase the inclusiveness of EDA programs, capability cooperation will remain close to non-existent if the deeper issue of strategic divergence among EU Member States is not resolved. Current initiatives cited as best practices are not concrete examples of EU-NATO cooperation of capability development, but rather multinational initiatives. Indeed, the only way to currently achieve concrete results such as the helicopter initiatives is to go outside the organisational framework. Even if the Cyprus/Turkey problem were to be resolved at a political level, underlying strategic divergence within the EU would still impede capability cooperation. The EU must conclude its internal debate on the future of European security if it is to project a cohesive front that will produce results. Given political and institutional problems, coherence in capability development must for the time being be a national concern. Individual nations must do what they can to ensure that representatives at EU and NATO meetings and working groups are given the same instructions and priorities, so that coherence can be fostered as much as possible. By Paul Sturm, Programme Associate, ISIS Europe
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