Cash transfers and productive impacts: Evidence, gaps and potential

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Cash transfers and productive impacts: Evidence, gaps and potential Benjamin Davis Strategic Programme Leader, Rural Poverty Reduction Food and Agriculture Organization Transfer Project Workshop Addis Ababa, April 2016

Why do livelihoods matter for social protection? Example of social cash transfers in SSA Most beneficiaries in Sub Saharan Africa are rural, engaged in agriculture and work for themselves >80% produce crops; >50% have livestock Most grow local staples, traditional technology and low levels of modern inputs Most production consumed on farm Most have low levels of productive assets few hectares of land, few animals, basic tools, few years of education Engaged on farm, non farm business, casual wage labour (ganyu) Often labour-constrained Elderly, single headed household Large share of children work on the family farm 50% in Zambia, 30% in Lesotho, 42% in Kenya

Reaching social goals requires sustainable livelihoods Beneficiaries work in context of multiple market failures in credit, insurance, etc Constrain economic decisions in investment, production, labor allocation, risk taking Short time horizon imperative of meeting immediate needs Lack of liquidity, difficult to manage risk Household decisions about production and consumption linked non separability of production and consumption means that social objectives are conditioned by livelihoods and vice versa Labor needs (adults and children), including domestic chores Investment in schooling and health Food consumption, dietary diversity and nutrition Intra household decision making Dynamic between men and women, old and young

Social cash transfers targeted to poorest of the poor can have productive impacts how? Long term effects of improved human capital Nutritional and health status; educational attainment Labor productivity and employability Transfers can relax some of constraints brought on by market failure (lack of access to credit, insurance) Helping households manage risk Providing households with liquidity Transfers can reduce burden on social networks and informal insurance mechanisms Infusion of cash can lead to multiplier effects in local village economy

From Protection to Production Provide insight into how cash transfers can contribute to sustainable poverty reduction and economic growth at household and community levels. Key component of the Transfer Project Implemented by FAO and UNICEF in conjunction with partner governments Added value to impact evaluations of government-run social cash transfer programs in seven countries Malawi, Ghana, Ethiopia, Lesotho, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Kenya Zambia CG (24 month) Zimbabwe household results not available yet (AIR reported) Initial funding from DFID (2011-2014), EU and FAO

Households invest in livelihood activities though impact varies by country Zambia Malawi Kenya Lesotho Ghana Ethiopia Zimbabwe Agricultural inputs +++ + - ++ +++ (1) -/+ Agricultural tools +++ +++ NS NS NS ** (6) Agricultural production +++(2) ++ (5) NS ++(3) NS ++ (2) ** (7) Sales +++ + NS NS - - Home consumption of agricultural production NS +++ (4) +++ (4) NS Livestock ownership All types All types Small Pigs NS -- Small Goats Non farm enterprise +++ --/++ +FHH -MHH - NS -- ++ 1) Reduction hired labor 2) Overal value of production 3) Maize, sorghum and garden plot vegetables 4) Animal products 5) Male headed households 6) Particularly smaller households 7) Groundnut and roundnut planting Stronger impact Mixed impact Less impact Many stories told in the qualitative fieldwork

Households invest in livelihood activities Zambia impacts over time CG 24 month CG 30 month CG 36 month Agricultural inputs +++ + NA Agricultural tools +++ +++ + Agricultural production +++ +++ NA Sales +++ NS Home consumption of agricultural production NS NS Livestock ownership All types All types All types Non farm enterprise +++ ++ ++ Massive impacts. But efficient? And who takes advantage?

Shift from casual wage labor to on farm and family productive activities consistent across countries adults Zambia Kenya Malawi Lesotho Ghana Ethiopia Zimbabwe Agricultural/casual wage labor - - - - - - (1,2) - - - - - (2) NS - - Family farm + (2) ++ (2) ++/-- (2) ++ (2) +++ Non farm business +++ NS ++/-- (4) + NS - - Non agricultural wage labor +++ NS NS NS NS children Wage labor NS NS - - - NS NS - - (5) Family farm NS - - - (3) ++/-- (2) - - NS - - - - (6) 1) Positive farther away 2) Varies by age, gender 3) Particularly older boys 4) Varies by type of enterprise 5) Large hhs 6) Particularly girls, small hhs Tends to reduce child labor on farm Shift from casual wage labour to family business consistently reported in qualitative fieldwork

Shift from casual wage labor to on farm activities Zambia impacts over time Adults CG 24 month CG 30 month CG 36 month Agricultural/casual wage labor - - - Family farm + Non farm business +++ Non agricultural wage labor +++ Children Wage labor NS (- -) NS NS Family farm NS (++) NS NS

Improved ability to manage risk Zambia Kenya Malawi Ghana Lesotho Ethiopia Zimbabwe Negative risk coping - - - - - - - - - NS Pay off debt +++ +++ +++ NS ++ ++ Borrowing - - - NS - - - - - - NS ++ + Purchase on credit NS - - NS NS Savings +++ +++ +++ NS NS Give informal transfers NS +++ +++ NS NS Receive informal transfers - - NS +++ NS + Remittances ++ - - - Reduction in negative risk coping strategies in almost all countries less likely to take children out of school Increase in savings, paying off debt and credit worthiness though risk aversion Strengthened social networks In all countries, re-engagement with social networks of reciprocity informal safety net Allow households to participate, to mingle again Some instances of crowding out

Improved ability to manage risk Zambia impacts over time CG 24 month CG 30 month CG 36 month Negative risk coping Pay off debt +++ +++ +++ Borrowing - - - NS NS Purchase on credit NS Savings +++ Give informal transfers Receive informal transfers

Zambia CG model allows beneficiaries to spend more money than value of transfer itself a household level multiplier CG Annual value of transfer (A) 660 Savings 61 Loan repayment 27 Consumption 800 Livestock value 48 Productive tools value 50 Total spending (consumption + spending) (B) 986 Estimated multiplier (B/A) 1.49 Impacts are based on econometric results and averaged across all follow-up surveys. Estimates for productive tools and livestock derived by multiplying average increase (numbers) by market price. Only statistically significant impacts are considered.

Impacts beyond the beneficiary household: local economy income multipliers Transfer raises purchasing power of beneficiary households As cash spent, impacts spread to others inside the community, setting in motion income multipliers Purchases outside village shift income effects outside the community, potentially unleashing income multipliers there As program scaled up, transfers have direct and indirect (general equilibrium) effects throughout region. Three possible extremes: Local supply expands to meet all this demand Big local multiplier Everything comes from outside the local economy No local multiplier at all: 1:1 Local supply unable to expand to meet demand, and no imports Inflation Have to follow the money Surveys and LEWIE model designed to do this

Zambia: CG beneficiaries spend most of their money in the local economy Over 50% spent at retail outlets Very little spent outside the community

Ghana: LEAP households spend about 80% of income inside the local economy

These production activities buy inputs from each other, pay wages, and make profits Large local content Less local content Leakage Local Purchases Leakage Payments to factors Data from Ghana These expenditures start a new round of income increases Payments to factors

Simulated income multiplier of the Ghana LEAP programme MAX Every 1 Cedi transferred can generate 2.50 Cedi of income Income multiplier Base model Nominal 2.50 (CI) (2.38 2.65) Real 1.50 (CI) (1.40 1.59) Production constraints can limit local supply response, which may lead to higher prices and a lower multiplier When constraints are binding, every 1 Cedi transferred can generate 1.50 Cedi of income MIN

Nearly all the spillover goes to non-beneficiary households Nominal 2.5 2 1.5 Real 1 Spillover Transfer 2.5 0.5 2 0 1.5 Total Beneficiary Non-beneficiary 1 households households 0.5 0 Total Beneficiary households Non-beneficiary households

¾ of increase in value of production goes to non beneficiary households Production multiplier for: Beneficiary Non beneficiary Crop 0.05 0.22 Livestock 0.02 0.15 Retail 0.24 0.54 Services 0.02 0.08 Other Production 0.01 0.04 For every 1 Cedi transferred to beneficiary households, the value of production earned by non beneficiary households increases 1.03 Cedi TOTAL 0.34 1.03

Income multiplier is greater than 1 in every country 3 2.5 2 1.5 1 0.5 0 Malawi Kenya (Nyanza) Ethiopia (Abi- Adi) Zimbabwe Zambia Kenya (Garissa) Lesotho Ghana Ethiopia (Hintalo) Nominal multiplier Real multiplier

Why? What explains differences in household-level impact across countries? Crop Livestock NFE Productive labor Social Network Zambia yes yes yes yes Malawi yes yes no yes small Kenya no small yes yes Lesotho yes small no no yes Zimbabwe yes small yes yes Ethiopia yes no no no no Ghana no no no small yes

# of payments # of payments Predictability of payment Lumpy and irregular Regular and predictable 6 5 Ghana LEAP 1 Zambia CGP 4 3 2 1 0 0 Regular and predictable transfers facilitate planning, consumption smoothing and investment

% or per capita income of poor Bigger transfer means more impact 40 35 30 Widespread impact 25 20 Selective impact 15 10 5 0 Kenya CT- OVC (big hh) Burkina Faso Ghana LEAP (2011) Kenya CT- OVC (2010) Malawi SCT (2013) South Africa Lesotho CSG (2012) CGP (2011) Ghana LEAP (2012) Kenya CT- OVC (small hh) Zimbabwe HSCT (2013) Zambia Zambia Malawi SCT CGP (2014) MCP (2014) (2008)

Demographic profile of beneficiaries More labour-constrained, older children More able-bodied, younger children Ghana LEAP Over 90 85 to 89 80 to 84 75 to 79 70 to 74 65 to 69 60 to 64 55 to 59 50 to 54 45 to 49 40 to 44 35 to 39 30 to 34 25 to 29 20 to 24 15 to 19 10 to 14 5 to 9 Under 5 1000 500 population 500 1000 Males Females Zambia CGP Over 90 85 to 89 80 to 84 75 to 79 70 to 74 65 to 69 60 to 64 55 to 59 50 to 54 45 to 49 40 to 44 35 to 39 30 to 34 25 to 29 20 to 24 15 to 19 10 to 14 5 to 9 Under 5 2000 500 population 500 2000 Males Females

Access to public services, such as extension, health or education Differential access to assets Besides labour, those with a bit more land, access to other agricultural assets, and/or receiving complementary intervention Economic context Vibrant and dynamic local economy? Opportunities awaiting if only a bit more liquidity? Effectiveness of local committees Important role in suggesting options for beneficiaries, facilitating programme operations Programme messaging matters Messaging in unconditional programmes, as with conditions in CCTs, affects how households spend the transfer

Size of income multiplier varies by country and context 3 2.5 Income multiplier is greater than 1 in every country 2 1.5 1 Why variation? 0.5 0 Malawi Kenya (Nyanza) Ethiopia (Abi- Adi) Zimbabwe Zambia Kenya (Garissa) Nominal multiplier Which sectors get stimulated Openness of the economy Supply response Real multiplier Lesotho Ghana Ethiopia (Hintalo) Other constraints

What can we conclude from the evidence? SCT is not a handout it does not create dependency Influences labour choices, but does not reduce work effort Beneficiaries work differently, not less. They create more income then they receive No evidence of increased fertility or alcohol consumption Potential for graduation Wide range of impacts across many domains but depends on implementation and other factors Programs are scalable, allow other programs to layer on services to leverage cash depending on objectives, including livelihoods SCT is transformative, contributing to both protective and development outcomes and increasing resilience Improves human capital Provides certainty Relieves liquidity constraints, allows households to engage more in productive activities We cannot separate livelihoods from consumption from social objectives

Articulating social protection and agriculture as part of a strategy of rural development Despite proven effectiveness, social protection is not a magic bullet Cannot address all constraints faced by rural households Almost three quarters of economically active rural population in Sub Saharan Africa are smallholders, most producing own food Small holder agriculture as key for rural poverty reduction and food security Relies on increased productivity, profitability and sustainability of small holder farming Since majority of the poor depend on agriculture for livelihoods and food security, agricultural programmes necessary to address structural constraints Addressing chronic poverty and food insecurity requires a long-term, predictable package of social protection and complementary measures Including livelihoods and food production Social protection and agriculture programmes together build resilience

Our websites From Protection to Production Project http://www.fao.org/economic/ptop/en/ The Transfer Project http://www.cpc.unc.edu/projects/transfer