Chapter 21: Social Structures and Community Life Introduction

Transcription

1 21 Social Structures and Community Life 21.1 Introduction This chapter considers the Simandou Port s impacts on social structures and community life during construction and operation (1). Potential impacts include changes to: systems for land tenure and distribution; infrastructure, services, and government delivery capacity; administrative dynamics between settlements; culture, social values, and traditional leadership; and traditional household power dynamics. Following an assessment of the significance of these impacts, the chapter considers how the port will mitigate negative impacts as well as enhance positive impacts through the Simandou Project s Social Management Framework (SMF). A residual impact ranking is then assigned to each potential impact. Further details of the chapter structure are as follows: Section 21.2 provides a description of the approach used for the assessment, including a description of how the study area has been defined and the criteria used to assess impacts; Section 21.3 presents the assessment of impacts from the port in the absence of further actions to mitigate negative impacts and enhance positive impacts; Section 21.4 describes the SMF and associated mitigation measures for impacts on social structures and community life, and then assesses the residual impacts after mitigation; and Section 21.5 provides a summary of findings. The assessment in this chapter draws extensively on baseline information presented in Chapter 16: Socio-Economic and Community Baseline. For a full understanding of potential socio-economic and community impacts associated with the port, the reader should also consult the following chapters: Chapter 17: National Economy; Chapter 18: Employment and Economic Development; Chapter 19: In-Migration; Chapter 20: Land Use and Livelihoods; Chapter 22: Community Health, Safety, and Security; Chapter 23: Labour and Working Conditions; Chapter 24: Ecosystem Services; and Chapter 25: Human Rights Approach Study Area Development of the port will have a wide range of effects on socio-economic and community conditions over geographic areas ranging from the immediate area around the port to the whole of Guinea. The port study area for impacts on social structures and community life has been defined at two levels: regional and local. (1) This assessment does not consider a closure phase, as full ownership of the port is anticipated to transfer to the Republic of Guinea between 40 and 50 years after its opening, when the cost of the port has been fully amortised. Prior to its transfer, the port will be owned by a special purpose infrastructure company owned jointly by Simfer and the government, with the government holding a stake of up to 51%. There is no plan to remove the port infrastructure upon closure of the Simandou Mine. Potential impacts associated with closure of the Simandou Mine are considered in Volume I: Simandou Mine SEIA. 21-1

2 The regional level extends over the prefecture of Forécariah. The local study area comprises four subprefectures within Forécariah, including Forécariah Centre (the location of the prefecture capital, Forécariah), Maférinyah (the location of the proposed port), and Kaback and Kakossa (which immediately surround the location of the proposed port). Within the local study area, select communities have been grouped into six clusters of Project Affected Communities (PACs) based on anticipated similarities in their experience of impacts due to proximity to Project infrastructure or activities. A detailed discussion and map of the PACs is located in Chapter 16: Socio-Economic and Community Baseline (see Table 16.2 and Figure 16.1) Legal and Other Requirements This assessment has been prepared in line with applicable Guinean laws and development policies as well as IFC Performance Standards and Rio Tinto standards. Details regarding specific legal and other requirements relevant to the assessment of socio-economic and community impacts, including impacts on social structures and community life, can be found in Chapter 16: Socio-Economic and Community Baseline Prediction and Evaluation of Impacts The significance of potential impacts on social structures and community life is evaluated taking into account the magnitude of the change in baseline conditions and the sensitivity of affected receptors, following the general methodology presented in Chapter 1: Introduction. Further details regarding the methodology as applied in this chapter are described below Magnitude The magnitude of each potential impact on social structures and community life (both positive and negative) is ranked on a 4-point scale ranging from negligible through small and medium to large. Factors taken into consideration in determining the magnitude of potential impacts include the following. Scale of the impact: A potential impact that could affect a large number of people or over a widespread area is considered to be of large magnitude. On the other hand, a potential impact that could affect a small number of people or over a small area is considered small. Duration of the impact: A potential impact that is expected to persist for the year operational lifetime of the port would be considered large. A potential impact that is expected to last for only a short time (eg a few months at the start of construction) is considered small. Intensity of the impact: A potential impact that could lead to a fundamental change in a population s way of life or to the nature of relationships within a community compared to baseline conditions is considered large. Conversely, a potential impact leading to only subtle changes in conditions is considered small. Note that in cases where a potential impact features a level of intensity warranting a high degree of attention by decision makers, a large magnitude ranking may be applied, even if the impact is expected to be of a small scale or short duration Sensitivity The sensitivity of affected receptors (in this case, people and the communities within which they live) relative to potential impacts on social structures and community life is ranked on a 4-point scale ranging from negligible to low, medium and high. In practice, all people are considered to be of at least medium sensitivity so the negligible and low grades are not used. Sensitivity is determined by the characteristics of the population who are potentially adversely affected or gaining benefit. Specifically, it is related to the population s resilience that is, their capacity to cope with changes while maintaining their livelihood and social wellbeing. Resilience is often related to the extent to which people can access suitable resources such as assets, social networks, or other means by which they 21-2

3 can derive livelihoods and upon which they depend. More sensitive receptors tend to lack resources that could help them respond to or manage changes which may affect their wellbeing. Often, this sensitivity, also commonly referred to as vulnerability, can be exacerbated if receptor rights to those resources are not recognised or protected. Factors that tend to increase sensitivity include: old age, youth, female gender, minority ethnicity, or religion; poor social and socio-economic status at birth; lack of access to land resources; lack of access to opportunities for income generation and employment; limited livelihood opportunities and livelihood alternatives; remoteness from urban centres and main communication infrastructure; poor quality and limited access to services (eg health, amenities); limited access to, and use of, natural resources including water; poor food security and reliance on subsistence farming; dependence on unique natural resources; limited education and skills; poor health or disability; absence of support networks; and marginalisation (ie degree of access to services and formalised rights). Conditions in Guinea place women in general as a highly sensitive (vulnerable) group. This also holds true for women in the port area, though their role in the fish trade means they are generally more economically empowered than women in other parts of rural Guinea (see Chapter 16: Socio-Economic and Community Baseline). Gender is therefore specifically taken into account in determining sensitivity and the impact assessment and mitigation measures give specific attention to women and gender equality Significance Table 21.1 outlines the overall approach to evaluating the significance of potential impacts on social structures and community life. Based on considerations of magnitude and sensitivity, the table assigns a significance ranking ranging from not significant to critical for negative impacts and not significant to major for positive impacts. For significant impacts, mitigation measures are identified with the objective of enhancing positive impacts and reducing the significance of negative impacts, and residual impacts are evaluated taking into account the proposed mitigation. The assessment has adopted a deliberately conservative approach to residual impacts as the full details of mitigation for social structures and community life impacts are yet to be determined as part of development of the Project Social Management Framework. In practice, it is anticipated that the significance of residual impacts will reduce with the detailed development and implementation of mitigation measures. 21-3

4 Table 21.1 Evaluating the Significance of Impacts on Social Structures and Community Life Sensitivity (vulnerability) of Receptors Magnitude of Impact Change in economic or social conditions is within the normal range of conditions found in the study area. Affects a small area or a small number of people relative to the total area or population within the area of influence and / or is of short duration (less than 1 year). Perceptible difference from baseline conditions. Affects a substantial area or number of people relative to the total area or population within the area of influence and / or is of medium duration eg full construction period (3 years+). Clearly evident difference from baseline conditions. Negative Impacts Negligible Small negative Medium negative Large negative Medium High More developed communities with greater capacity to change; better access to employment and commerce, resources, services; less vulnerability, greater level of education and skills. Less developed communities with lower resilience to change; more reliant on traditional / subsistence lifestyles; less access to resources, services; more vulnerable or otherwise disadvantaged people eg poor, women, old, minorities, unskilled, low education / skills base. Not Significant Minor Moderate Major Not Significant Moderate Major Critical Positive Impacts Negligible Small positive Medium positive Large positive Medium High More developed communities with greater capacity to for change; better access to employment and commerce, resources, services; less vulnerability, greater level of education and skills. Not Significant Minor Moderate Major Affects the majority of the area or population in the area of influence and / or persists over many years (eg Project lifetime). Change dominates over baseline conditions. Less developed communities with lower resilience to change; more reliant on traditional /subsistence lifestyles; less access to resources, services; eg more vulnerable or otherwise disadvantaged people poor, women, old, minorities, unskilled, low education / skills base. Not Significant Moderate Major Major Note: Negligible and low sensitivities are not applicable to social structures and community life impacts as all people are considered to be at least moderately sensitive to both positive and negative effects. 21-4

5 21.3 Assessment of Impacts Overview This section presents an assessment of potential impacts on social structures and community life in the port study area during construction and operation. Potential impacts include changes to: systems for land tenure and distribution; infrastructure, services, and government delivery capacity; administrative dynamics between settlements; culture, social values, and traditional leadership; and traditional household power dynamics. In assessing impacts, this section applies the methodology described in Section above, taking into account relevant aspects of the socio-economic and community baseline (see Chapter 16: Socio-Economic and Community Baseline) and the Project description (see Chapter 2: Project Description). Findings from the assessment are described in sections through below Systems for Land Tenure and Distribution Land, a critical resource relied upon for livelihood activities, is administered through both statutory and customary systems of land tenure and usage rights in the study area. This section considers potential impacts to these systems and resulting effects on study area communities. Potential impacts related to land use and livelihoods are addressed in Chapter 20: Land Use and Livelihoods. National legislation and policies including the Land and Dominial Code and the Poverty Reduction Strategy support land titling for Guineans. However, in practice, land titling is rare, with its lack of use attributed to cost, administrative burden, and a lack of knowledge on how it can improve security of tenure (see Chapter 16: Socio-Economic and Community Baseline). Study area communities access to those responsible for the statutory system is also limited, as the only Land Commission office (ie a government institution tasked with land tenure management) is located in Forécariah and tasked with prefecture-wide oversight. Surveys in the study area show that land titles are limited to government structures (eg health centres, schools) and some plantations, including several pineapple and oil plantations along the road from Touguiyiré to Maférinyah (PAC 3). On Ile Kaback (PAC 6), only one person indicated possessing a formal land title document. Instead, most study area households rely on the customary land tenure system. Under the system, the founding family of each village (known as the chef de terre) manages and distributes land, and may allocate lands to different people at different times for habitation and cultivation. Any male descendent of a lineage has a right to obtain land, and the elder of the founding family will grant him land of a size according to his ability or means to cultivate it. Land may be redistributed by the founding family as other community needs arise. The founding family may also invite other lineages to settle on land and use it temporarily; over time, these families may receive full ownership to use and distribute the land as they wish. Within a single household or productive unit, land may be further divided for use by different members of the family or ceded to wives, sharecroppers, tenants etc. Although statutory ownership is currently still rare in the study area, recent years have seen a shift in land tenure and distribution patterns towards more statutory ownership in Guinea, particularly within and near urban areas and locations of industrial development. An important driver for this shift is real or perceived scarcity of land, followed by increases in land value due to heightened demand, both of which provide incentives for land users to stake formal claims. Scarcity can be due to land occupation by developers or outside investors hoping to profit from real estate near developments (whether through speculation or use), as well as increased demand for land from in-migrants seeking employment or other opportunities (eg access to services) associated with an area s economic growth. This trend has been seen near the Simandou Mine, where surveys conducted between 2008 and 2009 found that 51% of households in Beyla Town, a prefectural capital and the largest urban centre near the mine, had formal tenure, as did 7% of 21-5

6 households in Moribadou, a rural settlement subject to in-migrants attracted to the prospect of the Project opportunities and investments Construction Phase Impacts Real or perceived land scarcity is expected to drive a similar shift towards statutory ownership in the study area during construction, particularly around urban centres and larger settlements nearby the port site. Demand for land will come directly from the Project as well as indirectly from outside investors and inmigrants attracted to opportunities presented by Project. Project land needs include approximately 800 ha of permanent occupation of which 380 ha will have already been developed as part of the MOF project. Additional land will be needed for employee housing and households to be resettled due to Project land occupation or quality of life factors, though the exact size and location of these lands is not yet determined (see Chapter 20: Land Use and Livelihoods). The presence of the port is also expected to result in the move of approximately to in-migrants to the study area, especially to Maférinyah and, to a lesser extent, Forécariah in PACs 1 / 2 as well as settlements located along the Maférinyah-Touguiyiré road in PAC 3 (see Chapter 19: In-Migration). Further purchases by outside investors are expected given the economic activity that will develop around the port site and in-migration locations; this phenomenon is likely to be supported by the study area s proximity to Conakry which can increase its attractiveness to buyers wishing to create or maintain ties with the nation s capital. The increased formalisation of land rights in response to real or perceived scarcity due to the land demands from Project, in-migrant, and outside investors could contribute to a number of inter-related effects on local communities. The role of the founding family in distributing land and managing land disputes, and their resulting authority in communities, could reduce over time as land distribution and management increasingly falls under the responsibility of government authorities. (See Section below for a discussion of changes to traditional leadership.) Government authorities, in turn, may experience pressures to increase their capacity to process land transactions. Presently, formal land registration is limited and the administrative capacity to manage the process is equally limited. (See Section below for a discussion of changes to government delivery capacity.) Private ownership created through the statutory system could increase land values and support land use that meets private, rather than community, objectives. Land values can increase when there is limited supply and increased demand, as in the case of locations experiencing population influx. Private ownership can also encourage investments in land, such as irrigation systems to support export crop cultivation, to generate further income for the owner and support the costs of land ownership (eg transaction fees, taxes). These investments further increase land values. This cycle can begin to exclude traditional land users who were previously allotted land based on lineage rights and need by the chef de terre in favour of buyers (from within or more likely, given the generally low levels of disposable income among study area households, outside the community) who are able to pay increasingly higher prices for land use. A reduction in land available for distribution and increases in land values could reduce the accessibility of land use and ownership for a number of vulnerable sub-populations in a community. Members of lineages outside the founding family who had been granted temporary use, for example, could lose those privileges should the founding family decide to claim exclusive ownership under the statutory system. The poor, the elderly, and youth are less likely to be able to mobilise sufficient resources to rent or purchase land. The monetisation of land markets could reinforce the current position in which women are not directly granted land rights but are rather given limited rights by a male relative, as they largely do not manage household finances or earn higher incomes relative to men to support land purchases. Individuals who are unable to access information about land rights (eg the illiterate) or participate in land 21-6

7 transactions (eg those unable to travel to Land Commission office or who are not represented by another party supporting their interests) may be challenged in buying or selling land (or in the case of resettlement compensation, acquiring replacement land) at fair value. Land disputes may increase due to issues such as the increasing financial incentive to claim land ownership and sell to interested buyers, and the encroachment of unauthorised land users (ie those inmigrants who lack the financial capital to purchase land through the statutory system or the social capital such as lineage ties or other relationships in the community to receive an allotment of land through the customary system). A lack of understanding of and consensus on the processes and authorities to resolve these disputes, or insufficient capacity of authorities to review disputes in a timely manner, could prolong or exacerbate tensions. During construction, changes to systems of land tenure and distribution are expected to result in an effect of a large magnitude. The changes are expected to occur throughout the phase and persist into operation, given land demands from the Project as well as in-migrants and outside investors attracted to the presence of the Project for needs such as industrial and commercial development, habitation, and cultivation. They will affect the majority of the study area population, particularly in PACs 1, 2, and 3, which are anticipated to attract a large number of in-migrants, and result in changes that dominate over baseline conditions where land tenure and distribution remains largely managed under customary systems. The sensitivity of the affected population is high due to communities generally low levels of disposable income for land purchases and reliance on land for subsistence. Vulnerable populations such as community members outside the founding family lineage, the poor, the elderly, youth, women, and the illiterate are anticipated to be particularly sensitive. As such, changes to systems of land tenure and distribution are expected to result in a critical negative impact Operation Phase Impact During operation, it is anticipated that there will be continued pressures on land, driving changes to systems of land tenure and distribution. Some land used in construction will be returned to public use after construction, though ownership will remain with the Project and settlement will not be permitted. However, the Project may continue to require land for households that may require resettlement due to quality of life factors that is, impacts, alone or in combination, associated with noise, vibration, emissions, dust, economic displacement, severance, and public safety (see Chapter 20: Land Use and Livelihoods). There are to in-migrants expected to come to the study area in this phase, again especially to Maférinyah and, to a lesser extent, Forécariah in PACs 1 / 2 as well as settlements located along the Maférinyah-Touguiyiré road in PAC 3. As the local economy grows in response to the port presence, purchases by outside investors are also expected to continue. However, escalating prices in those areas, driven by land demands during construction and on-going investments, will encourage land purchases and rentals in outlying areas, spreading change to more rural locations. The effects of the increased formalisation of land rights will be on-going, spurred by continued land pressures and increased land values due to demand and investments. Further reductions in the authority of founding families may occur, as fewer occupants in the study area identify with the founding family lineage. Land disputes and the adverse impacts of vulnerable populations potential exclusion from land use and ownership for the reasons discussed above may be particularly prevalent in the initial years of operation, though the changes may normalise over time as the formalisation of land rights become more widespread. 21-7

8 During operation, changes to systems of land tenure and distribution are expected to result in an effect of a medium magnitude. The duration of the impact is expected to be large, though effects may diminish over time. The scale and intensity are equally to be lower than in the construction phase, as less land is affected (having already been claimed) over the course of the port lifetime, and the change becomes more widespread. The sensitivity of the affected population will remain high in the phase s earlier years, though may change to medium over time as disposable incomes increase and support the rental or purchase of land. Vulnerable populations such as community members outside the founding family lineage, the poor, the elderly, youth, women, and the illiterate, however, may remain at a high sensitive. As such, changes to systems of land tenure and distribution are expected to result in a moderate to major negative impact Infrastructure, Services and Government Delivery Capacity As described in Chapter 16: Socio-Economic and Community Baseline, social infrastructure and services are generally of limited quantity or poor quality in the study area, particularly outside urban centres such as Maférinyah and Forécariah (PACs 1 / 2). The development of the port and the associated increase in population and economic activity from both the Project and in-migrants will add pressure on these already strained resources. The Project will require infrastructure for direct activities, such as road construction and upgrades, electricity, water. It will also require infrastructure for workforce housing (proposed to be integrated into the community of Forécariah), including health centres, schools, electricity, and water facilities. Although the Project will provide these requirements, there may be increased pressure on local government and village authorities to ensure service delivery and maintenance of infrastructure over the long term to support the sustainability and reach of these investments among the broader community. Settlements in the study area are also likely to be substantially affected by in-migration. Maférinyah and Forécariah in PACs 1 / 2 and settlements located along the Maférinyah-Touguiyiré road in PAC 3 are anticipated to be particularly at risk (see Chapter 19: In-Migration). Population growth will increase demands for infrastructure and services related to, as examples, water, power, sewage and waste facilities, health and education facilities, telecommunications, transports, markets, and finance. Some of these needs will be immediate (eg health and education), while others will emerge more gradually as people become more active in the cash economy. As more cash and material wealth emerges in the area, the likelihood for increased criminal activity and prostitution will also increase, requiring more substantial policing and judicial infrastructure. The existing infrastructure, and services and authorities responsive capacity are stretched and cannot currently cope with demand from the growing population. A recent Local Development Plan for Maférinyah, for example, noted the lack of social infrastructure related to education, health, trade, and sanitation. The social, environmental and health risks that arise from a failure to adequately provide for most of these needs will have serious consequences for the Project, existing communities, in-migrants and local authorities Construction Phase Impacts Population growth from the port workforce as well as in-migrants to the study area will increase at rapid levels during construction. There is already evidence of increased activity in the port area as planning and research activities ramp up and information about the port is spread. In Maférinyah, the population has grown 44% over the past seven years, while Senguelen and Madinagbé (PAC 3) have experienced population growth over 20% during the same period. Approximately to in-migrants are expected to come to the study area during construction. Given the relatively short timeframe of the phase, local authorities (ie CRs, CUs, District Presidents) will likely not have sufficient time or resources to prepare for the increased activities and their effects on infrastructure and services. Pressures on services, infrastructure and local government capacity will therefore be strongest during this time as authorities attempt to cope with growing demands, particularly around locations anticipated to attract the greatest number of in-migrants, including Maférinyah and 21-8

9 Forécariah in PAC 1 / 2 and other settlements within PAC 3. They will be felt with increasing severity as the influx reaches a peak during the peak hiring period for construction workers in Port activities and the growing population as a result of in-migration will result in pressure on infrastructure and services during construction. These pressures are considered to have an effect of a large magnitude, given the scale of population growth and intensity of change in demand in a relatively short timeframe. The sensitivity of the affected population is considered high, given high poverty levels and the lack of capacity to adapt without significant intervention. As such, pressures on infrastructure, services, and government delivery capacity are expected to result in a critical negative impact Operation Phase Impacts In the transition between construction and operation, the port workforce will decrease and in-migration will level off as operation activities begin. However, the study area population will remain elevated from pre-port conditions, contributing to higher levels of population growth during the operation phase. The prospect of employment and other benefits over the course of the port s operation is also anticipated to attract an additional to in-migrants. While these in-migrants are expected to be attracted to the same settlements as before in PACs 1 / 2, and 3, escalating prices in these hotspots, as noted in Section , will encourage the spread of settlements (and associated infrastructure and service pressures) to the edges of more urbanised centres and into more rural locations. As in construction, population pressures will strain infrastructure and services. The operation phase s extended length, a potentially increased tax base, and government commitment to support investments through national development policies such as the Poverty Reduction Strategy (see Chapter 16: Socio-Economic and Community Baseline) will support local authorities ability to respond to increased demand. However, there could also be a proportionately higher number of people who may not pay taxes or limited capacity among authorities to effectively implement infrastructure and service improvements without assistance, resulting in delivery gaps, particularly in the early years of the phase. During operation, continued population growth will result in continued pressure on infrastructure and services. These pressures will be lower than in construction due their smaller scale spread across a longer period of time, resulting in an effect of a medium magnitude. The sensitivity of the population is considered high in the early years of the phase, transitioning to medium as the financial and technical capacity of local authorities to improve and expand infrastructure and services changes over the operation period. As a result, operation activities are expected to result in a major to moderate negative impact Administrative Dynamics between Settlements There are a large number of settlements in the study area. During construction and operation, some settlements may be more affected by Project activities and in-migration than others, and to mitigate these effects they will need to be given particular attention in terms of economic development and infrastructure support as well as coordination with authorities on service delivery. Some settlements are also likely to indirectly benefit from the provision or enhancement of infrastructure and services to meet the Project s own needs. The mix of increased pressure in some locations and enhanced provision in others has the potential to affect relations between settlements, with power potentially shifting from places that currently hold administrative responsibility for the prefecture or sub-prefecture to locations where there is more growth and activity as a result of the port. For example, Maférinyah, a sub-prefecture capital, is likely to attract increased levels of economic activity (and, consequently, in-migrants) due to its status as a large town near the port site (approximately 17 km). Due to its increased activity, there is likely to be focus by the Project (as well as government and others, such as civil society or donor agencies) on the development and upgrade of infrastructure and services in 21-9

10 Maférinyah to respond to population growth and potential effects. This attention could affect the power balance between Maférinyah and Forécariah, the prefecture capital. A similar shift in power balance could occur at the more local level, where certain settlements within close proximity to the port may be more affected by Project activities and in-migration than others. Settlements such as Madinagbé Centre, Bamboukhoun, and Senguelen in PAC 3, for example, may be able to benefit better from induced employment opportunities (see Chapter 18: Employment and Economic Development) and port infrastructure (eg roads) due to their close proximity to the port site as well as other improvements to mitigate in-migration effects. Other settlements in the study area at a further distance to port infrastructure or activities could feel slighted. Perceptions of an inequitable distribution of benefits among settlements could change inter-community dynamics. This may be particularly so for those settlements not currently holding administrative responsibility but receiving greater attention due to port activities. This could give rise to the potential for tension and conflict to arise between study area communities Construction Phase Impacts Infrastructure development to meet Project needs will be implemented during construction, together with improved service delivery and capacity building. Although Forécariah is the prefecture administrative centre, Maférinyah has grown rapidly in recent years and is expected to be a centre for in-migrants. The growing disparity in the roles between Maférinyah, the larger and more economic active town, and Forécariah, the smaller town yet the centre of statutory decision making for the region, has the potential to change dynamics between the settlements and create tensions. There is also likely to be tension in other settlements in the study area between smaller settlements that are not within close proximity to the port site and others that may benefit from improved infrastructure and services due to economic activity and population growth. During construction, changes in the demographic and economic profiles of the study area communities could affect the power dynamics between settlements, particularly ones that hold administrative power and those within increasing economic influence. This change in dynamics is considered to have an effect of a small magnitude, as they will be concentrated between select settlements in the study area and occur over a relatively short timeframe. The sensitivity of the population is considered high given limited capacity among local authorities to plan and respond to rapidly changing economic environments and population infrastructure and service demands. As such, changing administrative dynamics between settlements are expected to result in a moderate negative impact Operation Phase Impacts In response to Project infrastructure and service needs and rapid in-migration during construction, the majority of changes in terms of infrastructure placement and service delivery will have taken place during the construction phase. Any tensions that may arise between settlements are likely to have calmed to some extent by operation though tensions may continue, particularly in early years, as settlements continue to adjust to demographic, economic, and other changes brought about by the port s presence. During operation, on-going changes in the demographic and economic profiles of the study area communities could continue to affect the power dynamics between settlements. This change in dynamics is considered to have a continued effect of a small magnitude, limited in duration to the early years of operation and by intensity due to an adjusting population. The sensitivity of the population is considered medium as partnerships and engagement between local authorities and the Project or other actors such as government and donors enhances local authorities capacity to manage changes in administrative responsibilities. As such, changing administrative dynamics between settlements are expected to result in a minor negative impact

11 Culture, Social Values and Traditional Leadership Currently, the Soussou are the predominant ethnic group in the study area, comprising 88% of the overall population. Soussou traditions and cultural norms are therefore equally predominant in the study area. Other ethnicities present in the study area include the Téméné, who engage primarily in fishing and reside primarily on Ile Kaback (PAC 6), and the Malinké and Peul, who are often engaged in fishing and trade and reside primarily in settlements located along the Maférinyah Touguiyiré road (PAC 3). Study area surveys indicate that ethnic groups such as the Bagas, Landoumas, Nalous, Mikhiforés and Dialankés are also present in small numbers (approximately less than 5%). In general, ethnicities have settled in areas inhabited by populations of the same ethnicity or cultural similarities. In the study area, almost all households declare themselves Muslim. The influx of people to the study area, each with their own cultural and social values, will have an influence on existing values and sense of identity. This will be exacerbated as a result of the rural and largely traditional nature of the area which will change significantly once the port develops. This impact will occur most intensely where there will be a large scale presence of foreign workers and migrant job-seekers (including Guineans from outside the area and other West Africans), such as in PACs 1 / 2, and 3. In particular, the following significant changes are anticipated. Challenges to cultural and social values: The local population is organised around traditional structures and potentially subject to substantial changes to their cultural values and identities as a result of the port s construction and operation. Although cultural values and identities are dynamic and are constantly subject to change, the extent and pace of change in the study area will be high. This has the potential to cause unease among the communities depending on their ability to respond and assimilate to these changes. The cultural and social values of newcomers may also clash with those held within the local communities and, due to the rate of influx, cause tension and conflict, particularly among those who perceive their sense of identity and belonging to be under threat. People that are likely to be most vulnerable include women, traditional leaders, and unskilled or unemployed people who are unable to adapt to the number of socio-economic changes. Challenges to traditional leadership: With the expected levels of influx, the traditional leadership will also be challenged to redefine and assert itself. Outsiders will not necessarily be accustomed to or bound by allegiance to existing traditional leadership structures, including the need to respect the founding lineages, Council of Elders and other traditional institutions. Individuals with specific agendas or particular levels of skill, education and exposure to other cultures are likely to assert the desire for more representative structures through which to engage the Project. If there is general community support for this more broadly representative approach, it is possible that traditional leadership roles will be compromised. Weaker social cohesion and changes to support structures: Traditional support structures in the study area are based primarily on lineages and small communities bound by long-term relationships. An example includes the financial support extended to members of a common lineage to pay for important family ceremonies or in times of crisis, or members of rotational savings groups whose individual payments each period rely on feelings of trust that they will enjoy a similar pot of collected funds when it is their turn. Other examples are mutual aid organisations such as fishing or farming associations, which support common livelihood objectives. In-migration to the study area is likely to contribute to the weakening cohesion of these structures, as migrants scale of arrival, lack of connections to a common lineage, and differences in cultural values can make their absorption in existing communities difficult. Weaker social cohesion is most likely to affect those who rely most heavily on support structures, such as the elderly, the sick and orphans. In the case of weakening savings groups, women, who often compose the majority of members, are particularly vulnerable as they rarely qualify for credit in formal financial institutions. Some people are well equipped to maximise the benefits of the port (eg through employment or small business development), and will see it as an opportunity to escape their rural identity and become more urbanised. In particular, it is expected that the youth will value the opportunities that the port development 21-11

12 provides to potentially expand their lifestyle possibilities for the future, through options that were not previously available to them. In these instances, changes in cultural and social values are likely to be embraced as a positive impact, as has already happened in Maférinyah Construction and Operation Phase Impacts Changes to culture, social values and traditional leadership are acknowledged to have both beneficial and adverse aspects. They are also acknowledged to evolve over time at a pace determined only by those accepting, adapting, or rejecting that change. Therefore, both sides of the changes as they may emerge over the course of the port lifetime are examined here. Potential changes are likely to be most pronounced in the early years of the port construction and into operation, particularly on more vulnerable groups who are not able to adapt to the multiple changes to their way of life. Following the initial changes, the pace at which cultural and social values are likely to change should be less pronounced, particularly in Maférinyah and Forécariah, as people will have adapted to some degree to the new values and sense of urban identity of the area. However, this does not imply that the changes will immediately stop or reverse, but rather that coping mechanisms amongst the less vulnerable groups at least will have been engaged. Throughout the Project lifetime, culture, social values and traditional structures will continue to change as the population grows through Project employees and job-seekers. As influx continues into the study area, the population will gain exposure to different cultures, world views, and education opportunities. The increased exposure to different customs and values will likely begin the influence the traditional roles in society. Depending on the level of vulnerability of the communities involved, these changes could have a negative impact as people struggle to assimilate the rapid pace of change in the area. For others, such as the economically active, who are able to embrace this change and actively seek to escape their rural identity, the impact will be perceived as positive. The port s activities throughout its lifecycle are expected to bring changes to culture, social values, and traditional leadership in the study area. They are considered to have an effect of a medium magnitude in the short to medium term (ie construction and in the early years of operation) as the majority of impacts and effects occur. The sensitivity of the population, and perceptions of whether the impact is positive or negative, are likely to vary depending on levels of vulnerability and age. Sensitivity is likely to be high negative for the elderly, lineage heads, traditional leaders, women and the unskilled or unemployed, decreasing to medium negative over the long term as coping mechanisms arise and new support structures emerge. Among those eager and able to embrace change (such as the youth) their sensitivity is likely to be medium positive. As a result, changes to culture, social values, and traditional leadership are expected to result in a major negative impact for vulnerable populations noted above in the short to medium-term, decreasing to moderate negative over time and a moderate positive impact for non-vulnerable populations throughout the port lifetime Traditional Household Power Dynamics Paid employment and education are important factors in bringing about changes in household power dynamics. They empower individuals to contribute to household finances and improvements in well-being and these contributions can be leveraged to support increased participation in household decision-making. Paid employment and education levels are low among both women and men across Guinea. Achievements by women in Guinea, however, are disproportionately low relative to men. 90% of workers in Guinea s formal waged sector are men. Likewise, at a national level, 14% of women are literate as compared to 45% of men

13 Accordingly, women s contribution to household finances and participation in household decision-making is also low. Similar trends can be seen in the study area. An exception is that of women in fishing villages. Their participation in generating household income through the smoking, processing and sale of fish has provided them with a degree of economic independence and authority within these communities. However, their contributions remain small and are balanced by traditional practices and norms in the wider area that accord greater authority to men. The construction and operation of the port will bring a number of direct, indirect, and induced employment opportunities. These opportunities, and in particular those associated with direct and indirect employment, are expected to raise incomes in communities and attract new goods and services for an expanded and wealthier customer base. The presence of jobs will also promote education in communities, delivered through public or private means, as many jobs will require labourers with at least general skills such as literacy (see Chapter 18: Employment and Economic Development). Port employment opportunities, the increased monetisation of the economy, and greater availability of goods and services will encourage the pursuit of paid employment and education in study area household. This pursuit can present two scenarios one negative and one positive for women. In the first scenario, paid employment for men can result in a heavier workload for women, especially shortterm paid employment (such as construction phase contracts) because households may also continue to rely on traditional livelihood activities. Unpaid agricultural labour and fishing and other subsistence activities can then become women s full responsibility, adding to their burden of labour (which includes other domestic tasks such as child-rearing). The lower income that can be generated from these activities relative to paid employment, and the goods and services that income will enable women labourers to obtain relative to men, can also accord women s labour, and her contributions to the household, a lower status than that of men. In the second scenario, women are able to obtain paid employment. As noted above, earnings will empower women to contribute to household finances and improvements in well-being and these contributions can be leveraged to support increased participation in household decision-making. However, in both scenarios, it is also important to note that changing household power dynamics may also bring about an increase in domestic tension. Unless households find resolution, these tensions (particularly when coupled with other changes in the environment, as discussed elsewhere in this chapter) can lead to domestic violence. An increase in domestic violence is already perceived as a problem in communities near to the Simandou Mine, where employment and socio-economic programmes to support exploratory activities have been underway Construction and Operation Phase Impacts As in Section above, changes to household power dynamics are acknowledged to have both beneficial and adverse aspects, depending on individual household circumstances. They are also acknowledged to evolve over time at a pace determined only by those accepting, adapting, or rejecting that change. Therefore, both sides of the changes as they may emerge over the course of the port lifetime are examined here. During construction, direct, indirect, and induced employment opportunities will become available, though these may be of a short duration due to the limited length of the construction phase and its associated boom and bust profile (see Chapter 18: Employment and Economic Development). Any changes to household dynamics may be too short term to have a lasting effect on how households operate. However, the phase may present the beginning of long term income-earning opportunities, particularly in cases of indirect or induced employment, that continue from construction through operation