THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY Current Issues and Objectives

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1 THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY Current Issues and Objectives As presented by Dr. Alexandra Novosseloff, Visting Fellow, International Peace Academy, for the Henry L. Stimson Center s Future of Peace Operations Project Roundtable on European Capacities for Peace Operations held on November 25,

2 The Idea of the Common Foreign and Security Policy European Defense Community (CED) in with a French Initiative Western European Union (WEU) Maastricht Treaty (February 1992) and the Amsterdam Treaty (June 1997) created the European Union with the aim of achieving a common foreign policy (CFSP) The European Union is divided into a three- pillar structure Before the Maastricht Treaty, the European Union (which was then still called the European Community) was little more than a wealthy economic area. There had been earlier attempts to create a common defense policy through the European Defense Community, but with no success. At the time, the Western European Union (WEU) was more or less dormant. The WEU has taken sporadic action during the Gulf War and the Yugoslav conflict (monitoring of economic embargo), but nothing impressive. The Maastricht Treaty changed the whole perspective. 2

3 The European Union s Three Pillars Common principles and objectives PILLAR I European Council - GAC PILLAR II PILLAR III Community policies European Commission CFSP ESDP Council of the European Union Cooperation in the field of justice and home affairs Intergovernmental Procedures The Secretariat of the EU Council (the intergovernemental body of the EU) and its High Representative, Javier Solana, have the main responsibilities for ESDP. But the European Commission (Chris Patten) and its External Direction (Relex) have also a role in ESDP. To summarize, Solana has the political, diplomatic and military role; Patten controls the money and deals with all the components of conflict prevention and development. 3

4 ESDP Progress through European Summits St Malo FR-UK summit (1998) : A New Dynamic Cologne (June 1999) : Crisis Management Definition at 15 Helsinki (Dec 1999) : Capability Headline Goal Feira (June 2000) : Police Headline Goals and Civilian Aspects (rule of law, civil protection, civil administration) Nice (Dec 2000) : Capabilities Conferences Relations with Third countries Göteborg (June 2001) : Political Structures in Place Laeken (Dec 2001) : Declaration of Operationality Seville (June 2002) : EU Operations in the Balkans ESDP received a boost at the French-British Summit of Saint-Malo in Since then (in a timeframe of 4 years) the progress has been tremendous. The several steps between Saint-Malo and Seville are: Cologne (June 1999) : Crisis Management Definition at 15 Helsinki (Dec. 1999) : Capability Headline Goal Feira (June 2000) : Police Headline Goal and Civilian Aspects (Strengthening the rule of law, civil protection, and civil administration) Nice (Dec. 2000) : Capabilities Conferences - Relations with Third countries Göteborg (June 2001) : Political Structures in place Laeken (Dec. 2001) : Declaration of Operationality Seville (June 2002) : EU Operations in the Balkans 4

5 ESDP Principles A political project, part of the European construction An autonomous decision and action capability An original crisis management concept relying on civilian & military tools (global strategy) An inter-governmental decision process A clear-cut cut objective : Capability to act militarily in common (no integrated armed forces) A clear-cut cut mission : Petersberg Tasks A clear-cut cut tool : The military capability Headline Goal process For a brief moment, I would like to go back to the core principles that are the heart of ESDP. - ESDP is an important step towards strengthening the political integration between EU Member States. The problem here is whether this integration is achieved by political or military means first. - The main objective of the EU is to be a full actor on the international stage by having the means to act in conflict prevention and crisis management in the European continent as well as outside it. The EU wants to be an autonomous actor backed by credible military forces and the capacity to make independent decisions, meaning independent from NATO. - Building ESDP does not mean building a «European Army». It is an intergovernmental process in which the unanimity rule prevails. - The specificity of the EU is to have at its disposal a global concept for crisis management comprising the whole spectrum from conflict prevention to peace enforcement. This concept is adapted to the new dimensions of conflict (intrastate low-intensity conflicts). - This spectrum is defined in the «Petersberg Tasks». These tasks include humanitarian and evacuation missions, peacekeeping missions and combat-force missions for crisis management, including missions to restore peace. Unlike NATO, they are not dealing with collective defense. The work of the current Convention on the future of the EU is actually dealing with this issue, whether that has to remain as such or not. Until then the equivalent of NATO s Article V is still enshrined in the WEU. - The several steps for building ESDP are made according to a Headline Goal in military and civilian aspects. 5

6 EU Operationality was declared at the European Summit of Laeken on December

7 Headline Military Goal By 2003,, Member States must be able to deploy within 60 days and sustain for at least one year military forces of 50 to men and the necessary support to fulfill the full range of Petersberg tasks Helsinki Headline Goal ESDP aims at generating a Rapid Reaction Force of 50 to men that can be deployed in 60 days with the necessary support to fulfill the full range of Petersberg tasks. There have been some discussions on identifying elements which could be deployed more rapidly (5 to 30 days). These discussions are still going on. 7

8 Headline Police Goal By 2003,, Member States must be able to deploy within 60 days and sustain for at least one year military forces of men (with of them being deployed within 30 days) 8

9 EU operationality is based on Permanent Political & Military Structures (PSC, EUMC, EUMS, HR) Available Forces with a Capability C Process (ECAP) Crisis Management Procedures Associated Concepts (planning, CIS, log, CIMIC...) Crisis Management Exercises beginning 2003 Framework Agreements on Financing Operations (national contributions) Permanent political structures: -Political and Security Committee helped by a political-military working group (there is also a Civilian Committee which is subordinated to the PSC) -EU Military Committee -EU Military Staff Committee -High Representative at the head of the Secretariat of the European Council - Police Unit / Situation Centre Available Forces with a capability process: The Helsinki Headline Goal in military and civilian aspects of crisis management Crisis Management Procedures: Decision-making by consensus Associated Concepts: in order to complete whole the operational aspects of peace operations Crisis Management Exercices: The first EU autonomous exercice is planned for Framework agreement on operations financing: Costs related to CFSP are put on the Commission s budget, except for the expenses having military implications. Those expenses are born by individual Member States, on individual participating States (whether they provide troops on the ground or they only participate financially to the operation). 9

10 EU military capacities 3 catalogues Helsinki Headline goal Catalogue -(HHC): 100,000 men ; 300 to 400 combat aircraft ; 80 Navy vessels Operational requirements for Petersberg tasks Helsinki Force Catalogue -(HFC): 110,000 men ; 400 combat aircraft ; 100 Navy vessels Member States contributions Helsinki Progress Catalogue -(HPC) 54 strategic capacity shortfalls identified Land, Sea,, Air, ISTAR, C3, Deployment,Logistics European Capabilities Action Plan (ECAP) ESDP has reached its political and strategic headline goal. The second step is to achieve the objectives concerning its capabilities. In 2000, the French EU presidency has define 2 catalogues: the catalogue of capabilities (needs of the EU in military matters) and the catalogue of forces (which is what member states are ready to put at the disposal of the EU). The European Capabilities Action Plan (ECAP) was created in December 2001 and launched by the Spanish Presidency in It gathers all the projects to fill the gaps in of ESDP capabilities. It is now divided in working groups aiming at identifying the different projects. For the moment, the ECAP process is quite slow, due mainly to financial restraints. 10

11 What Operations Until Now? 11

12 IPTF Bosnia-Herzegovina EUPM First police operation has been decided Calendar : Objective is 1st January 2003 Mission : assistance, advice, control, inspection for local police Mission (no armed component, liaison with NATO/SFOR) Using 466 police personnel (IPTF = 1650) The General Affairs Council declared in February 2002 the availability of the EU to take over the UN Mission in Bosnia on January 2003 and for an initial period of one year. The EU will conduct its first operation in Bosnia in January Sven Frederiksen will be the head of EUPM. Lord Ashdown is the High Representative of the international community in Bosnia as well as the Special Representative of the EU. EUPM will be much smaller than the current IPTF. EUPM is a pure civilian mission. It does not have any military component. Its relations with SFOR concern information sharing and support in case of public disorder situations. 12

13 FYROM : post TFF? European Council in Seville expressed the will of EU to succeed NATO TFF The UN may take over NATO in February 2003 Logical extension of EU political & economical role in the Balkans Pending Pending issues Within EU : define CIS needs ; write concepts ; financing agreements interpillar coordination With NATO : chain of command ; capabilities & assets required ; security agreements ; extraction arrangements BERLIN+ agreements must be settled The European Summit of Seville has taken its first decision to establish an EU crisis management operation. The EU operationality is about to become a reality in its closest geographical area of interest: the Balkans. Balkan States are clearly attracted by the perspective of becoming a member of the EU one day. Negotiations will begin for Slovenia. Tomorrow, it might be Croatia and Serbia. At the Prague Summit, NAC decided to renew a reduced TFF (of 400 men compared to the current men) for another 6 months, but will reassess the situation in February. If, at that time, NATO wants to withdraw, the EU will succeed it. In the meantime, quite a few prerequites will have to be met: - Political context of Macedonia: it is improving. Now, there is only a need for a small operation. In a few months time, there might be a need only in police matters. When it is the turn to the EU to take the lead, it might then have to conduct another police mission. This situation has its drawbacks and its advantages: - it won't credibilize the military dimension of ESDP, its military operationality, and it might lead to a division of labor between the EU and NATO. - But it would be a way for the EU to deal with the transnational criminality occurring in the region. The EU taking over Amber Fox is conditioned by an agreement on Berlin+, unless it is a really small mission or if it becomes a police mission. Actually, the UK and Germany oppose any EU operation in Macedonia without a prior agreement on Berlin+. But France considers that the EU could deploy an operation on an ad hoc basis. 13

14 EU Operations in the Future? Africa? Caucasus? Central Asia? Middle East? If, for any reasons, the EU cannot test its operationality in the Balkans, then where? The EU has no geographical limits for deploying an operation. - The closest area of interest after the Balkans is most probably Africa for many historical reasons. Recently, maybe the Ivory Coast was a missed opportunity for the EU. - The Caucasus region where there are numerous so-called "frozen conflicts" (Transnistria, Karabagh, Ossetia, Abkhasia). Most of these conflicts are currently dealt with by the OSCE. - Central Asia: quite far to the European interest for the moment. But, in Afghanistan, ISAF is more or less a European operations, even more when the Germans and the Dutch will take the lead next January. - The Middle East? Why not, as a result of the EU efforts at the diplomatic level within the "Quartet". The EU has already given a lot of money to economic projects of the Palestinian Authority. 14

15 EU - UN & NATO Relationships EU acknowledges the primary role of the UN in maintaining peace and security EU does not question but fosters transatlantic relations Mutual reinforcement, not competition between EU/ESDP and NATO/ESDI 2 military options for an EU-led operation : - use of autonomous capacities - call for NATO assets and capabilities (Berlin+) What are the relationships of the EU with other organizations? With the UN, it is, for the moment, rather simple: The EU acknowledges the primary role of the UN in maintaining international peace and security. Any EU operation would require the UN Security Council s authorization. The EU is willing to retain the political and strategic control over any of its forces. With NATO, it is a bit more complicated. In theory, ESDP does not question but fosters the transatlantic link. It should strengthen the European pillar of NATO. The EU has two options to intervene in a crisis management: 1/ The use of autonomous capabilities 2/ To use, under EU political control and strategic conduct, NATO military assets and capabilities (better known as «Berlin+», the EU/NATO permanent arrangements). Currently, Javier Solana is trying very hard (through a shuttle diplomacy between Athens and Ankara) to achieve an agreement before the European Summit of Copenhagen. Briefly, the "Berlin+" package is the following: - EU access to NATO planning capabilities - Availability to the EU of NATO's assets and collective means - Options for a European command - Adaptation of the planning system of NATO to better take into account the availability of European forces for EU operations. 15

16 Compatibility Between ESDP and NATO/NRF? Risks of duplication and competition Ways for containing those risks NATO is currently finding ways to exist. That was already the case in the Washington Summit, but it is even more obvious since Sept 11. NATO is trying to find new missions (fight against terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, civil aspects of crisis management). It is also trying to expand its geographical scope to the whole world (Afghanistan, Iraq). It is in this context that the Americans proposed its Allies the creation of a NATO Response Force. The Nato Response Force is a project that is still being discussed. Principles have been agreed upon, but not yet how to organize and structure such a force. Risks exist that NRF overshadows the efforts made in building ESDP. NRF might divert some European States from ESDP. It might lead to the sharing of military roles, to NATO s advantage. It might lead to duplication and competition btw the two structures. Way to contain those risks: political control of NAC over NRF; to make both forces available for NRF and ESDP; compatibility of both forces. 16

17 True Tests for ESDP To put the EU operationality into a concrete form To achieve an agreement on Berlin+ To make progress on capabilities 17

18 Future of ESDP ESDP has to overcome its weaknesses: operational planning, decision-making process How to achieve a common foreign policy? EU/NATO: Same troops or division of labor? The EU lags behind NATO in building common military assets Decreasing national military budgets of European States Risk of «WEUization» of ESDP ESDP has to overcome its weaknesses: -- The question of operational planning is not resolved yet. The EU does not have its own planning headquarters. For planning any operations, either it will have to rely on SHAPE or individual member states. That is why the agreement on Berlin + is important. This reliance also implies a slower process, so the EU should perhaps have a nucleus operational planning cell. -- The current decision-making process is quite slow, and it will have to adapt its decision-making to the requirements of rapid reaction. Actually, this problem is also faced by several other organizations: the UN, the OSCE, and to some extent NATO (in the case of Kosovo). The real problem is not the rapid reaction force, but the rapid reaction decision. But the development of ESDP is also hampered by several other factors: -- The lack of a common foreign policy is a serious drawback for the ESDP. There is within the EU a political division between the Anglo-Saxons always looking towards the Atlantic, and the Mediterranean countries, with France being in the middle and trying to be the leading country of ESDP. -- The existence within Europe of two regional organizations with the same kind of capabilities. That lead inevitably to competition, especially when European States themselves cannot agree among themselves on which organization to favor, and for what tasks. And it is clear that for the time being a majority of European States are favoring NATO. -- Indeed, the current project of NATO Rapid Response is not only a way to give the organization some new missions, but also a way to compete with the EU. The problem is that the EU still has to build its own assets. -- The EU lags behind NATO in building common military assets (especially concerning planning, strategic transportation, and intelligence). Its member states are individually way behind the US because of the existence of neutral states, that is an historical factor. Recently, Lord Robertson said that "NATO's credibility comes from its capability". It is also true for ESDP. And in this matter, NATO has definitely a step forward. -One has to understand that NATO is for a lot of European States a way not to spend to much on the defense. The United States spends about 3.5% of GDP on defense, as most European States spend less than 2%. The result of all this might be a "WEUization" of ESDP, the EU having all the structures necessary to conduct an operation, but never the political will (because of its Member States divisions) to decide any. That would not be a sound situation. 18

19 The EU is the second superpower in the world! Economically, this is already the case Politically, it is not yet, but the potential exists It will take a few more years Economically, this is already the case. Politically, it is not yet, but the potential exists. I think the world is better off with groups of states that can oppose, in a constructive way, the United States (as we have seen in the negotiation on Iraq in the UN Security Council). The EU, as with any regional organization in its early stages, needs a few more years. 19

20 THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY Current Issues and Objectives? QUESTIONS? 20

Cologne European Council Declaration on the common policy on security and defence (4 June 1999)

Cologne European Council Declaration on the common policy on security and defence (4 June 1999) Caption: In its Declaration on strengthening the common European policy on security and defence, the Cologne