6. Nord Trøndelag (Norway)

Transcription

1 6. Nord Trøndelag (Norway) Marit S. Haugen 6.1 Introduction Three percent of the Norwegian active female population work within the primary sector, compared with 8% of the active male population. Total numbers of farms and employment in agriculture have been decreasing since World War II. Rural labour markets have become more important for farm households, of which the majority have additional income from off-farm work. In 1993 only 20% generated at least 90% of their net family income from the farm (Agricultural Statistics 1994:110). While male family members were traditionally the ones who left the farm to seek off-farm employment, leading to a feminisation of agriculture (Berggreen 1982), nowadays it is both women and men who find employment off-farm. There is a shift towards modern forms of part-time farming; in its most common form, women juggle off-farm, farm, and household work while men farm or combine farming with an off-farm job (Blekesaune et al. 1993). According to Norwegian statistics, women accounted for one quarter (24%) of the total labour input in agriculture in During the last decades there has been a trend for women to reduce their labour input in farming more than men, and this process has been seen as a masculinisation of agriculture (Almås et al. 1983). Farm women s increasing rate of off-farm work, from 6% in 1969 to 50% in 1993, might be explained in different ways; women have better opportunities to choose their own career outside agriculture, or women have fewer opportunities to find a productive role in agriculture, and their offfarm work is a necessary contribution to the farm household income. Blekesaune (1996) found that farm women s increased participation in off-farm work during the 80s is parallel to the corresponding increase in paid work among rural women from nonfarming households. He concludes that farm women are probably motivated by the same pull factors in the off-farm labour market as other women. Norwegian women s position in the labour market, compared with other industrialised countries is characterised by high activity rates, high levels of part-time work, continuous work patterns among mothers, high levels of gender segregation, high concentration in the public sector, and moderate gender differences in earnings (Blau and Kahn 1992, cited in Ellingsæter and Rubery 1997). The objective of this chapter is to examine farm women s labour situation in different rural areas in Norway. Their labour situation will be related to factors which are assumed to influence their situation, factors which might promote or impede their participation in the labour market. We will look at contextual structures such as the economic and social structure, social infrastructure and agricultural, regional and gender policies, and at factors relevant for farm women such as the individual characteristics, household and family structure, farm structure, as well as women s own preferences and strategies regarding work. In order to study which factors influence farm women s labour situation we chose two sub-areas (one with a diversified and one with a less diversified labour market) and carried out a postal survey among a sample of farm women. Afterwards we made in-depth-interviews with a small sample of women selected from the survey sample. Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe > 111

2 Profiles of the chosen sub-areas in Nord-Trøndelag, Norway The sub-areas chosen are located in the middle of Norway (figure 6.1), in the administrative county of Nord-Trøndelag (17). Nord-Trøndelag has an area of 21,056 km 2 (covers 6.8 % of the national area) and a population of 127,236 (population density 6 persons/km 2 ). In the county only three centres with more than 10,000 residents can be found. The primary sector is important in Nord-Trøndelag; 15% is employed in the primary sector, while the corresponding percentage for Norway is 5%. Within the county of Nord-Trøndelag, two main sub-areas have been chosen, one representing a diversified and the other a less diversified sub-area. The diversified sub-area coincides with one community: Stjørdal. The second, less diversified, sub-area in Namdal consists of six communities. Sub-area 1: Stjørdal The community of Stjørdal is situated in the south of the county. Stjørdal is a communication, trading and educational centre in the region and it is also involved in offshore activities. Large areas are engaged in the primary industries. The area of the community is 923 km 2 and with its 17,743 residents it has a population density of 19 persons/km 2. While half of the residents live in the urban centre, the rest is spread out, all however living within 45 minutes travelling time from the centre of Stjørdalshalsen. Stjørdal encompasses Central Norway s main airport and is an important junction for road and rail traffic. Stjørdal is a central, mixed service industry and manufacturing community. According to our common criteria for classification of rural diversification, there is a low dependence on agriculture in the sub-area of Stjørdal (10% of the active population is employed in agriculture, compared with 15% in the county of Nord-Trøndelag) and intermediate diversification in services (Population Census 1990). Since 1980 the population has increased by 8%. Sub-area 2: Namdal The sub-area chosen in Namdal consists of 6 communities; mountainous communities like Lierne, Røyrvik and Snåsa, Namsskogan with its 800 lakes and rivers, Grong and Høylandet. The communities advertise their clean natural environment and many tourist activities like salmon fishing, hunting, canoeing, alpine skiing. Each community has its own administrative centre. Agriculture is an important sector in their economy. These less diversified communities will be treated as one aggregated labour market, referred to as sub-area Namdal. Namdal with its 9,663 residents has a population density of 1 person/km 2 and three quarter of the residents live in sparsely populated areas. There is not an urban settlement in the area or within 45 minutes commuting distance. Namdal has a high dependence on agriculture as there is a higher incidence of agricultural workers (24% of the active population) and a lower level of employment in industry and services in the area than at the county level. In this sub-area there has been a population decline (7 %) since Contextual factors influencing women s activity Economic structure and labour demand While there has been a general decline in employment in the primary and secondary sector, the service sector has increased from 1980 to 1994 (table 6.1). There is however still a relatively large depen- (17) Norway is divided into 19 counties. According the Act of Accession the county Nord-Trøndelag can be classified as an objective 6 region (regions with less than 8 residents/km 2 ). 112 < Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe

3 Figure 6.1 Location of the two sub-areas in Nord-Trøndelag, Norway Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe > 113

4 Table 6.1 Jobs by employment sector in Norway*), Nord-Trøndelag, and the two sub-areas**) (in %) % change Norway Nord- Stjørdal Namdal Norway Trøndelag Primary industries Manufacturing industries Public and private services Total Source: *) NOS Labour Market Statistics 1994, **) Population Census dence on the primary sector in the county of Nord- Trøndelag, more in the less diversified sub-area (Namdal) than in the more diversified sub-area (Stjørdal) (table 6.1). Advanced state transfer systems have made it possible for local administrations to supply sufficient services also in rural areas. Public growth came initially to the education sector and later to the health and social sector. The public administration at the municipal level was greatly developed after the great municipal reform of During the next ten to fifteen years, the public services were built up to almost the same level throughout the country (Almås 1995). Especially women have gained from the growth in the public sector. In fact the welfare expansion through services located at the municipal level led to an equalisation of regional differences in women s employment opportunities in the 70s and the early 80s. Table 6.2 shows the sectoral changes in employment among women in the two sub-areas. There has been a significant and similar decline among women working in primary industry in both sub-areas from 1980 to 1990 and a corresponding increase in employment in the service sector. Although the changes are similar, women in Namdal are twice as likely to be active in the primary sector compared with women in Stjørdal. The growth in the public sector in the 70s and 80s which gave employment opportunities for women also in rural areas is still important in the 90s even though the growth in employment is expected to be somewhat less. According to St.meld. 31 ( ) there is no reason to believe that the public sector will continue to grow in future. A rising problem will be how to maintain public services for the residents of small and declining settlements. Data on employment is only available about the formal economy. Therefore we do not know whether the informal economy might provide other paid employment opportunities for women in rural areas (looking after children, seasonal help in agriculture). Table 6.3 shows that there has been an employment growth in most sectors recently. Although all jobs in principle are available to both sexes, the sex segregation of work seems to be rather Table 6.2 Women s jobs by employment sector in the sub-areas and 1990 (in %) Stjørdal % change Namdal % change Agriculture Industries Services Total Source: Population Census 1980 and < Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe

5 Table 6.3 Changes in employment in the county of Nord-Trøndelag *) in the various sectors % change Oil extraction, mining quarrying, manufacturing, electricity and gas 8,307 8, Building and construction work , Wholesale and retail trade, hotels and restaurants 6,471 6, Transport, storage and communication 3,027 3, Financing, insurance, real estate and business services 1,713 1, Community, social and personal services 18,142 20, *) Statistics on community level not available. Source: Regionalstatistikk Nord-Trøndelag 2/1997. persistent in Norway. Therefore the increase or decline in various sectors might have a very different effect for women s and men s employment. In the sectors of wholesale and retail trade, hotels and restaurants 53% of the workforce is female, and in the public, social and private services, 64% is female. Women are in minority in the sectors of oil extraction, mining, manufacturing, building and construction (11%, Minifakta om likestilling 1994). For women in our sub-areas the growth within community, social and personal services might be most relevant. Growth in trading is relevant mainly for women in more central areas, as the increase and establishment of new trading centres is commonly located in central areas (in community and region centres). The only sector that shows a decline in the 90s seem to be financing, insurance, real estate and business services. Due to increased market competition, the banks have reduced both their numbers of branches and also the numbers of employees in an attempt to reduce their costs. The result is a reduction in services in many rural areas, and a loss of job opportunities in this sector. Agricultural development in the sub-areas A central aim for the Norwegian agricultural policy is to create a more sustainable agriculture (St.prop ); an agriculture which can cope with changes in the conditions, less financial support and increased market competition. This implies reduction in costs, competitive marketing and processing, better utilisation of the production capacity and the market. In addition to more competitive production, better utilisation of all the resources in agriculture and development of alternative activities are necessary in order to get a more sustainable agriculture. As Norway did not join the European Union (Referendum in 1994), the national agricultural policy does not necessarily follow the same pattern as in the EU. However, due to surplus production in for instance dairy production there have been milk quotas for several years. The opportunities for farmers to increase their production in order to outweigh a decrease in prices is restricted both because of the farm structure (relatively small farms), climate (short summer season), and policy regulations. State subsidies to agriculture tend to change from a support entirely dependent on output (supporting productivism) towards production-neutral support (for instance per animal, per hectare of arable land, land cultivation). The labour demand in agriculture is declining. There is a steady reduction in the number of farms, more small than medium and large farms close down. Table 6.4 shows that while the number of farms tend to decline, the arable land increases. That implies that we are seeing fewer, but larger farms in the county of Nord-Trøndelag. The same trend is found also at a national level (table 6.4). Table 6.4 Numbers of farms and agricultural land use in Nord-Trøndelag % change Nord-Trøndelag 5,287 5, Arable land (use) hectares 82,306 86, Source: Regionalstatistikk Nord-Trøndelag 2/97. Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe > 115

6 Table 6.5 Changes in population in Nord-Trøndelag and the sub-areas % change Nord-Trøndelag 125, , , Stjørdal 16,107 17,402 17, Namdal 10,609 9,916 9, Source: Population Census 1990, Statistical Yearbook 1994, Regionalstatistikk There is however variation between our sub-areas in the degree of decline. It is the more diversified subarea Stjørdal that shows the most dramatic decline in number of holdings in the 90s (-27.4% since 1989). This is probably explained by the relatively good labour market in the region and more favourable jobs in other sectors. In the less diversified sub-area of Namdal we find a decline in number of holdings in the same period of time but not at the same level (-8.7%, Census of Agriculture and Forestry 1989, Regionalstatistikk Nord-Trøndelag 2/97). Agricultural production is primarily a family business, not requiring much labour other than the family on the farm. Agriculture generates jobs in other sectors like transport (of output), processing, services etc. Much of this labour demand is, however, located outside the rural communities. Processing is a typical example, more and more of it being done in urban areas (dairies, slaughterhouses) Social structure and labour supply Even though there is a political objective to maintain the residential pattern and develop sustainable regions in all parts of the country (St.melding 31, ), many communities have had a population decline through many years. There are two main migration trends in Norway; from the North to the South of the country and from periphery to centre. While the population grows in the South, there is a population decline in the North of Norway. Urban and densely populated areas gain population while less central communities in the periphery lose population. More young women than men move to urban and densely populated areas and this results in a lopsided population with more (single) young men than women in many of the outlying areas. It is stated as a political challenge to recruit women and young people to the remote communities (St.melding : 2.4). Further it is recognised that in order to succeed in recruiting young families, there have to be job opportunities for both the husband and the wife - the two-income family is seen as the norm. The kind of education the majority of women choose, give job opportunities especially within the public sector and in many outlying areas it is only the public sector which employs people with higher education. Women with higher education qualify for a national labour market. In our sub-areas, Stjørdal is an example of a community which is gaining population. Stjørdal has an urban centre, where more than half of the population reside, and a diversified labour market. The other sub-area, Namdal, consists of six communities which are all loosing population. Namdal is sparsely populated and has a less diversified labour market. Table 6.5 illustrates that the recent changes in population show the same development in our sub-areas as in rest of the country: an increase in population in central areas and a decline in population in the already sparsely populated areas. Although the central areas within the county of Nord-Trøndelag are gaining population the county as a whole had a minor decline in the 90s due to an out-migration which was not balanced by positive birth rates. In Namdal the population declines due to negative birth rates and out-migration, while in Stjørdal positive birth rates and a balanced migration increase the population (table 6.6). 116 < Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe

7 Table 6.6 Portion of population in retirement age, ratio women/men and portion of population with only compulsory school in Norway, Nord-Trøndelag and the sub-areas, 1995 % population Women/100 men % with only Natural Net migration > 67 years age-group 20- compulsory balance years school 1995 Norway Nord-Trøndelag Stjørdal Namdal Source: Regionalstatistikk Nord-Trøndelag. 1/96 and 8/96. The composition of the population (sex, age-groups, level of education) is also a central issue when discussing labour supply and future developments in rural areas. A high proportion of people in retirement age indicates an ageing of the population. A higher portion of men than women in the age groups where most people establish their own family, indicates a lopsided sex pattern of out-migration with a bachelor problem in many rural areas. A population with a lower educational level might indicate a less competitive area. Table 6.6 shows that Stjørdal has a younger population, while Namdal has an older population compared with the national and county level (measured by share of population 67 years or older). When it comes to the balance between women and men (in the age-group between 20 and 39), there are relatively less young women, compared with men, in the county Nord-Trøndelag and in the sub-areas than at the national level. The portion of population with only compulsory education is higher in Namdal and lower in Stjørdal compared with the county and national level. Based on the information about the residential population in the sub-areas we can conclude that the future prospects seem better in the diversified subarea of Stjørdal than the less diversified sub-area of Namdal with a younger and better educated labour supply. However, even though the development and future aspects seem less favourable in Namdal it might not have a negative effect on farm women s labour opportunities in the short run. Women and activity The rate of activity for women has increased tremendously since the beginning of the 70s. Women accounted for three-quarters of the net growth of the Norwegian labour force between 1972 and 1990 (Foss and Tornes 1992). Women from all generations, ages and life phases increased the amount of work for which they received pay. The proportion of women between the ages of 25 and 66 who were full-time housewives fell from 47% in 1972 to 15% in The decrease was most noticeable among younger women. The statistics present an activity rate for women and men between 16 and 74 years old. This is a bit misleading, as the retirement age in Norway is 67, and most young people are still in full-time education until they are 19 years old. However, the activity rate for women (between 16 and 74) in Norway has increased from 39% in 1970 to 62% in The rapid growth in Norwegian women s employment has diminished gender differ- Table 6.7 Rates of activity of women and men in Nord- Trøndelag by age-groups (in %) Women Men Women-men Source: Population Census Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe > 117

8 Table 6.8 Educational level of the active population in 1990 (in %) Norway Nord-Trøndelag Stjørdal Namdal men women men women men women men women Compulsory Secondary Tertiary Total Source: Population Census ences in labour participation rates. Men s activity rate was 74% in Table 6.7 shows that men s activity rate is higher than women s in all age groups in Nord-Trøndelag, being however closest before 25 and after 40. The highest activity rate among women is found in the age-group between 40 and 49. Activity by education level The educational level has increased among both women and men in Norway the last twenty years, but more for women (Statistical Yearbook 1994). There is a positive correlation between the level of education and employment rate, both for women and men, but most notably for women. At the highest level of education the activity rate differs only 2% between women and men, while among women and men with the lowest level of education the difference in activity rate is 16% in favour of men. The figures in table 6.8 show a high educational level for the active population as a whole. Among the active population in the sub-areas, women s education seems generally to be completed at a lower level than that of urban women, but at a higher level than that of rural men. In the less diversified subarea the level of education among women and men is lower than in the more diversified sub-area, and the county and national level. Better educated women (and men) are less likely to return to their rural home areas, a process which reduces the overall education levels of women (and men) remaining in rural areas Infrastructure Elements of the social infrastructure like compulsory school, grocery stores, medical care, post offices and kindergartens are central institutions for people s everyday life and well-being. Most of these institutions require, however, a certain population to be sustainable. Infrastructures which might be of special relevance for farm women s labour situation are access to formal care facilities and transport. The extent of formal caring has been growing since the 70s. However, informal caring given by persons who have a family- or friendship relation to the receiver of the caring is still very important. Surveys suggest that about half or more of the caring activities are still contributed by the informal sector (Kitterød 1993). Generally, small communities with less than 5,000 residents spent most resources on caring facilities for old people, in terms of man-years of help per person over 67 years (Søbye 1993). Few years ago, the Central Bureau of Statistics in Norway drew up an index based on 17 indicators of which communities were the best according to given criteria. According to this index the communities in Namdal came out among the better half of all the communities in the country while Stjørdal was among the worst half of all communities (Samfunnsspeilet nr 1/1992). In our sub-areas we found that the public service sector (child care facilities, medical care, elderly care, etc.) is as good or even better in the remote, sparsely populated sub-areas (Namdal) as in the central sub-area of Stjørdal. The main difference was however longer distances in the sparsely popu- 118 < Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe

9 lated areas. This demonstrates the fact that public welfare provision might be as good or even better in sparsely populated communities than in larger ones. Both public and private kindergartens receive some state subsidies in order to make the level of costs reasonable for the parents. Still kindergartens are quite expensive to use (approx. 375 ECUs per month), however, varying from community to community. The tax system does not favour both parents working, especially if one of the spouses (most commonly the female) has a poorly paid, part-time job. If parents in addition have to pay quite a lot for child care the extra income will have to exceed a limit to justify the decision economically from a household perspective (Koren 1989). In 1995 more than half of the pre-school children (54%) in the county of Nord-Trøndelag had access to a kindergarten. This is in fact somewhat better than for the whole country of Norway (51%). The supply of child care facilities in our sub-areas seem to be fairly good, and lack of child care facilities seems not to be any real constraint for women who would like to work, either on farm or off-farm. However the cost might be seen as a constraint as you need a relatively good income in order to be able to afford it. While the social infrastructure defined in terms of the supply of care facilities seems to be quite good in our sub-areas compared to the national level, public transportation is however poorer the less centralised an area is. The private motoring compensate for this, as the majority of households in the subarea have a car at their disposal. In households with children 96%, while 72% of the households without children have one or more cars at their disposal. It is mainly old people who do not have a car at their disposal. Equality in the welfare services has been a political aim, and the result is that differences in living conditions between urban and rural areas have more or less vanished Policies In order to develop sustainable regions in all parts of the country, with a balanced population pattern and an equality in employment and welfare, there is a recognised need to integrate the regional policy in many policy sectors (communication, agriculture, fisheries, municipal sector). One of the main measures in Norwegian regional policy is Statens Nærings- og distriktsutviklingsfond (SND- The Government s Industry and Regional Policy Fund), which gives loans and grants for industrial development in rural areas. The amounts given depend on where the new industry is to be established. Stjørdal is the only community in the county of Nord-Trøndelag that is not entitled to support from SND. Namdal is entitled to all of the measures that SND has to its disposal. It has to be noted that location of industry is dependent on many factors other than financial support, like infrastructure (transport, communication opportunities), know-how, skilled labour supply etc. Stjørdal, is a favourable area for location of industry in this respect, while in Namdal, the industry sector is very small. Gender policy Women in Norway have developed a dual strategy towards paid work and family, that is they choose to have both children and employment. The most important gender policy is probably the building of the welfare state facilitating parents economic activity (public care facilities for children, the relatively extensive parental leave, and the right to leave to care for sick children) and creating many new jobs in the public service sector. There has been a political commitment to gender equality imbued in the social democracy since the 70s. In 1978 Norway got its Law of Equal Rights. In 1986 the Norwegian Government introduced an Activity programme for gender equality Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe > 119

10 The aim was that gender policy should be integrated in all policy making. Within the agricultural sector there was established an Activity programme for gender equality within agriculture. Since the mid-eighties there have been various kinds of projects in order to improve the situation for women in agriculture. One of the tools was a programme which started in 1986 giving grants to farm women who had ideas about establishing their own businesses. It recognised the need for more job opportunities for farm women, and financial and advisory aid was offered in order to help women implementing their ideas. There are also other kinds of financial support in order to increase business activity in rural areas. Most important for women is probably Rural Development Funds as initiatives from women who want to establish businesses are given priority. Every county manages this fund, and in all counties there should be advisory services for women who would like to establish their own businesses and apply for funding support. In fact many have the impression that there is an fraudulent preference in favour of women. The statistics and the following figures show that this is not the reality. Of the total promises of economic support, 34% goes to women. If we look at the amounts applied for and promised in 1995; only 26% of the total amount goes to women (Storstad and Haugen 1997). One explanation of this figure is that women tend to start very small businesses, supplying work for one person a year or even less. For many women it is considered as a supplementary activity in addition to their other obligations, while for others it is a wish to create their own working place on the farm (or in another location) Conclusions The context analysis has shown that despite differences between the sub-areas, some of the recent development trends are equal. In both our sub-areas the service sector has increased most and is the most important sector regarding labour demand. The employment opportunities in agriculture are declining in both sub-areas, and there is no signal which implies that the decline has reached an end. The decline in number of farms is however greater in Stjørdal probably due to a more favourable and competitive labour market, than in Namdal. Regarding the labour supply, women s activity rate is equally high in both sub-areas. However, women s employment is very dependent on and vulnerable to changes in the private and public services. The social infrastructure in the sub-areas seem to be fairly equal. The facilities are available, but the access regarding distances and public transportation are poorer in the less diversified sub-area of Namdal. The less diversified labour market in Namdal indicates fewer job alternatives for women in the area. On the other hand agriculture is more important in this sub-area and might give farm women a better opportunity to work on farm. Other developments in the less diversified sub-area; outmigration, lopsided gender balance, ageing of the population etc. contribute however to poorer future prospects. 6.3 Individual factors which influence the labour situation of farm women We will now look at the individual factors which might influence farm women s labour situation. The data in this chapter were collected with a survey among 424 farm women in the two sub-areas Stjørdal and Namdal (Haugen and Blekesaune 1996b). The criteria for being selected in the sample was that the woman should live on a farm, either being a farmer herself or the spouse of a male farmer. Further she should not be more than 55 years old. The majority of the women in our sample were married (87%) or cohabiting (11%), while only 2% were single (unmarried, divorced, widowed). The majority (95%) have children, mean number 2.6. In comparison, the fertility rate in Norway in 1994 was 1.87 (Noack 1996). One third of the farm women 120 < Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe

11 Table 6.9 Labour situation of farm women, position on farm and farm work intensity by labour situation (in %) Mainly Mainly Pluriactive Mainly Total on farm off-farm housewife Labour situation Position on farm Head Partner Assistant Not involved Total (N) 100 (127) 100 (159) 100 (98) 100 (40) 100 (424) Farm work intensity Regularly full-time Regularly part-time Seasonally Occasionally Do not work on farm Total (N) 100 (127) 100 (159) 100 (98) 100 (40) 100 (424) *) As perceived by the women themselves. Source: DEMETRA farm women s survey have pre-school children, i.e. younger than 7 years old Labour situation of farm women Farm women make a wide variety of significant contributions to the household and the farm business. Generally, the majority of farm women (94%) are involved in farming and in nearly all types of activities but to varying extents. Even though many women have an off-farm job they tend to be versatile and flexible, contributing to farm work when necessary. 68% of the women have an off-farm job, and 22% are involved in other gainful activity on the farm. This is farm based activity like farm tourism, camping, production of home crafts, processing and direct sale of farm products. Farm women still have the main responsibility for household work. One third of the women spend 32 hours or more per week in household and caring activities, women less than 40 more than older women. Of the farm women, 25% are engaged in voluntary work; work for children and youth and athletic associations is most common (table 6.9). Many farm women combine different work activities. To simplify the analysis we have classified farm women into four main working categories with regard to their labour situation (type of work and intensity). The distribution of farm women into four groups regarding main activity shows that the largest group of farm women work mainly off-farm (38%). The second largest group of women work mainly on farm (30%), while 23% are pluriactive with work both on and off the farm and 9% are classified as mainly housewife. The majority of farm women working on the farm describe their position on the farm as partners, rather than assistants. Even among women who work mainly off-farm and housewives more women consider themselves as partners than any other category. This might indicate a greater awareness of the importance of women s contribution to the family farm business, and a shared interest in and responsibility for the farm together with the husband. Few of the women are heads (5%). There are significant differences in farm work intensity among the four groups. Women who work mainly on farm, work most regularly full-time on the Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe > 121

12 farm. The pluriactive allocate their working hours between farm and off-farm work. The majority of women working mainly off-farm and the mainly housewife work only occasionally or seasonally on the farm. They represent a flexible labour force on farm if necessary. Comparing women s farm work intensity with their spouses, we find that more men (70%) work regularly full-time, 21% regularly part-time and 9% seasonally/occasionally on farm. The reason why so many women often work part-time (on farm or offfarm) is their main (or even sole) responsibility for domestic and care work. On farm, women in all labour categories participate more in manual work (80%) than in mechanical work (58%). On farms with dairy production, 77% of the women are involved in milking. Even though women are less likely to do mechanical work, as many as 64% of all the farm women drive tractors. However, the majority said that they use the tractor only if they have to. Farm women are involved in farm business decision-making (85%) and farm planning (76%). The high involvement supports the partner position of women and indicates that the farm business is seen as a family project even though many women choose to work off-farm. Women with off-farm jobs are most commonly employed in a regular whole year, part-time job. Among women working mainly off-farm 43% have a full-time job (e.g. 32 hours or more), while in comparison only 19% of the pluriactive have a full-time off-farm job. Nine out of ten women with off-farm jobs are employees, while the others are selfemployed or working in a family business. The majority is employed in the public service sector (health, care, teaching) underlining the important role of the welfare state (and the regional policy), in creating and maintaining jobs and services in sparsely populated regions. Compared with the mainly off-farm women the pluriactive group have slightly inferior relations to the labour market regarding labour contracts. Farm women s income and social security Farm households have potentially many income sources, from farming, from farm based activities on the farm, from off-farm work, pensions and social security. Altogether 54% of the farms in our sample have their main income from farming, while 44% earn it from off-farm work. Other farm-based activities are the most important income source for a small number of farms (1%). Nearly half the farms are low income farms. Our data shows that only about half of the farms have a total farm income above NOK 160,000 (20,000 ECU) (18). A fiscal reform in 1969 allowed for division of incomes between married couples who worked in family businesses. The practice of this reform varied between different local taxation authorities, and there were many lawsuits over it during the 70s and 80s (Gjerdåker 1995). Another problem with the fiscal reform was the imposition of an upper limit on the spouse s income. Even though the fiscal reform was gender neutral, in practice it functioned in a discriminatory way as women were nearly always regarded as the spouses. Not until 1987 was this practice abolished (Ot.prp. no /87). Until this reform, the off-farm labour market offered farmers wives much better incomes and pension entitlements than the farm sector. Since 1987 women with farm work have equal rights to their own income and pension entitlements. However, studies have shown that women s taxable farm income depends more on the total income on the farm, whether there is anything to share between the spouses, than her actual labour input. This indicates that the higher the total farm income, the more likely it is that the woman has a taxable farm income. A relatively large share of farm women have no farm (18) The Income Distribution Survey in Norway shows that the average wage income in 1995 among men is NOK 175,013 (22,000 ECU), and among women NOK 110,330. The average income among self-employed is slightly lower. 122 < Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe

13 Table 6.10 Women s income (in ECU) from farm work by labour situations (in %) Mainly Mainly Pluriactive Mainly Total on farm off-farm housewife Nothing < 10, , > 20, Total (N) 100 (127) 100 (159) 100 (98) 100 (40) 100 (424) Source: DEMETRA farm women s survey earnings. 22% of mainly on-farm women and 37% of pluriactive farm women have no income from farming (table 6.10). When women were asked to evaluate their own farm earnings relative to their farm work, a total of 75% of the women find their share of the farm income adequate, while 22% find it too low and 3% too high. As many social security rights depend on a person s taxable income level, farm women s lack of formal income, or low earnings, implies that they will receive only basic pension at retirement age and that their social security rights are not as good as if they were employed and had a higher formal income. Accordingly, women working on farm were not satisfied with the social security rights. However, three-quarters of the women working mainly on farm compensated for less formal rights by buying private insurance. Women s income from off-farm work is naturally closely linked with hours worked. As expected women working mainly off-farm earn more than women who combine their off-farm job with farm work (table 6.11). We have found that women working mainly on farm have less income than women having an off-farm job. A simple question arises; why do some women work on farm while others choose better paid offfarm jobs? As our analysis will show there is no simple answer to this question. We have analysed farm women s situation in order to determine what factors might promote or impede their participation in the labour market Relevant factors Women s educational level is found to be an extremely important determinant of their labour strategies and their opportunities on the labour market. There are significant differences in the educational level among farm women in different labour situations (table 6.12). Women working mainly on farm have a significantly lower educational level than women working off-farm. Vocational training is another significant variable. A little more than half of all the farm women have vocational training. In general women with off-farm work have a significantly higher rate of vocational training, than women in all the other labour groups. The higher the level of education and vocational training, the more likely the woman is to have an off-farm job. Agrivocational training was, however, more common among women working on the farm. The fact that Table 6.11 Women s income from off-farm work(in ECU) by labour situations (in %) Mainly off-farm Pluriactive < 10, , > 20, Total (N) 100 (159) 100 (98) Source: Regionalstatistikk Nord-Trøndelag 2/97. Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe > 123

14 Table 6.12 Farm women s educational level, vocational training, and agri-vocational training (in %) Mainly Mainly Pluriactive Mainly Total Age on farm off-farm housewife <40 >40 More than complusory Vocational training Agri-vocational training Agricultural courses (< 1 year) Total (N) (127) (159) (98) (40) (424) (166) (258) Source: DEMETRA farm women s survey women with higher education tend to have an offfarm job indicates that women with the presumably best opportunities on the labour market choose an off-farm job rather than farm work. A low level of education and lack of vocational training might be a real constraint for women who want an off-farm job (table 6.12). The majority of all farm women have experience of the external labour market, but as many as half of the women who today are mainly on the farm have no outside work experience, or have been out of the off-farm labour market for at least ten years. Among the mainly housewives one quarter have never been in the labour market, or it is ten years or more since they were in paid employment. Due to the changes occurring in nearly all sectors of employment, these women will probably have little chance of (re)entering the labour market, especially without further training. Having a driving licence is a must for mobility reasons in most rural areas. The distances are big and women without a driving licence and use of a car have limited opportunities to take off-farm jobs, or choices restricted by transportation. However, the majority of the women (98%) hold a driving licence and most women working off-farm have a car available. Our data show that women not working offfarm were less likely to have a car at their disposal. Whether this is an actual constraint might be questioned; probably families will purchase a car, or a second car, if one or both partners need it for work. We have hypothesised that an upbringing on a farm and or in a rural area might imply that the women are more familiar with and thus more likely to choose farming. Our material shows that a rural upbringing makes no difference, but a farm upbringing seems to be important. Women growing up on a farm are most likely to combine farm work and offfarm work. They are interested in farm work and are very much involved in the operation even with an off-farm job in addition. Nearly all our farm women are married or cohabiting. The majority of our sample (65%) were married to farmers who had taken over the family farm. Having pre-school children was expected to be an important constraint on women s job choices. However, in Norway the steady increase in female labour participation has mainly occurred among married women with pre-school children. We found no significant differences between women in the four labour groups regarding presence of pre-school children. As the majority of women live in nuclear families with only one adult woman present, we have no evidence that family type makes any difference. However, we find a minor tendency for women living in extended families to be more involved in farm work, either they are mainly on farm or pluriactive. 124 < Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe

15 Table 6.13 Women's labour situation according to farm size (ha), and intensity (AWU) (in %) Mainly on farm Mainly off-farm Pluriactive Mainly housewife Farm size: < , > Total (N) 100 (127) 100 (159) 100 (98) 100 (40) Farm intensity *) < > Total (N) 100 (127) 100 (159) 100 (98) 100 (40) *) x 2 (9) = **. Source: DEMETRA farm women s survey Farm structure (labour demand on farm) Women are most involved in farm work on dairy farms and less involved in grain-producing farms. This supports a hypothesis of women being a flexible labour force on the farm; if farm production is intensive, as dairy production is, women tend to work more on the farm. However, it might also be the other way round, that farm production becomes more extensive when women seek off-farm employment. Table 6.13 shows that women are more involved on farms larger than 10 ha. This might imply that farms have to be of a certain size in order to supply enough work for two persons. However, farm size does not necessarily demonstrate the labour need on the farm. Therefore we use the measure of man years in order to show farm intensity. This data is given by the county agricultural office, and represents a valid widespread measure of farm output. A man year is a standard measure of an annual work unit in Norway, which equals 1,875 hours (AWU). This is a proxy for volume of output even if it is measured as a standardised work input. The reason why we use this measure instead of transforming our data into ESU (European Standard Units for production volumes), is that we lack information on total output, and about farm incomes independent of direct subsidies from the state. The examination of the relation between farm structure and women's work indicates that women are more involved in labour intensive enterprises like dairying than labour extensive enterprises like grain production. Further the farm needs a certain production size in order to give labour opportunities for women. If the farm has a production equivalent of 1.5 man-years or more, women tend to increase their participation. The main trend is that women are most involved on relatively big or medium-sized family farms. Table 6.14 Women s labour situation in diversified and less diversified sub-areas (in %) Mainly Mainly Pluriactive Mainly Total (N) on farm off-farm housewife Stjørdal: more diversified (182) Namdal: less diversified (242) Total (424) Source: DEMETRA farm women s survey Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe > 125

16 Labour market structures and rural context We have assumed that the labour opportunities were poorer in the less diversified sub-area Namdal than in Stjørdal. The figures in table 6.14 do not support such an assumption, even though there are some differences. In the diversified sub-area farm women tend to work either mainly off-farm (43%) or mainly on farm (29%), while 16% of the women are pluriactive. In the less diversified sub-area a much higher share of farm women combine farm and offfarm work (28%). There is a higher share of mainly housewives in the diversified sub-area. Totally, 59% of the women in the diversified sub-area and 62% in the less diversified sub-area have an off-farm job. Although table 6.14 indicates that there is only a minor difference between the sub-areas in women s opportunities to find an off-farm job, more women in Stjørdal work mainly off-farm, while women in Namdal are more likely to combine their off-farm job with farm work. The reason why the opportunities for women to have an off-farm job seem to be more or less equal in the two sub-areas is caused by the available employment in (public) services. In both sub-areas, the majority of farm women were employed within health care and social work, teaching and administrative and clerical work. The distances to present jobs were roughly equivalent in the two sub-areas, measured in journey time. The majority spent less than half an hour travelling to their job. Both sub-areas have a developed social infrastructure which support farm women s opportunities and participation in the labour market. In Namdal nearly three out of four farm women with pre-school children use kindergartens, mainly part-time, while women in Stjørdal are less likely to use any child care facility at all and less than half use kindergartens. In both sub-areas 3% of the farm women are registered as unemployed. However, many women wanting a job do not register themselves as unemployed, as they have no rights to unemployment benefits if they haven t had taxable income the last 12 months. In line with this we find that more women than the registered unemployed have applied for a job the last 12 months, more in Namdal (9%) than in Stjørdal (5%). And there are even more women looking for information about vacant jobs, 16% in Namdal and 8% in Stjørdal. This indicates that there are women in both sub-areas who are looking for new opportunities on the labour market, and more in the less diversified sub-area of Namdal than in Stjørdal. There might be various reasons to look for a job; unemployment, underemployment or merely a wish to change their present job. However, our figures indicates that women in Namdal are less satisfied with their present job situation than women in Stjørdal, and this might be a consequence of less job alternatives in the less diversified sub-area. Women s motivation to work on and off-farm The majority of farm women are work oriented; work is an important part of their identity, whether they choose to work on the farm or off-farm or combining the two. Women s work orientation does not exclude a family orientation, because most farm women, like other Norwegian women, combine work and family life in a dual strategy. Women s motives for work are complex and hardly possible to grasp through a questionnaire. People tend to rationalise and legitimise their choices according to what they perceive to be commonly accepted. Family orientation might be a socially more acceptable reason than individual orientation. The most important motive for working on the farm for women working mainly on farm and pluriactive is to contribute to the family income. This indicates that women look upon themselves as joint breadwinners with their husbands, having a joint responsibility for the family welfare. The workload on the farm demanding women s contribution is also important, as well as building up and continuing the family farm business. More individual motives such as pleasure and interest in work are also important, but less important than the collective motives. There are no significant differences in motivation between 126 < Labour situation and strategies of farm women in diversified rural areas of Europe