Migration and Its Impact in Riau Province, Indonesia: An Analysis of Population Census Data and Topographical Maps

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1 Migration and Its Impact in Riau Province, Indonesia: An Analysis of Population Census Data and Topographical Maps Yusuke KOIZUMI The University of Tokyo Abstract: Although recent economic development in Indonesia is based on urbanization and industrialization, the palm oil industry continues to contribute to economic growth. Large-scale development by plantation companies has seriously impacted the natural environment and rural livelihoods. The outer islands of Indonesia, particularly Sumatra and Kalimantan, are affected by many issues such as the recent haze problem. Moreover, as NGOs have criticized, plantation companies are powerful enough to take over local people s land. However, the number of smallholders is increasing and their economic position is improving to an unprecedented extent. In the last half-century, the expansion of oil palm cultivation by both plantations and smallholders has drastically changed livelihood strategies and the landscape of rural societies in the outer islands of Indonesia. To explain the transformation associated with oil palm cultivation, especially in Riau Province where oil palm cultivation by smallholders has expanded most substantially, this study maps social changes based on population census data and examines geographic dynamics using large-scale topographic maps. Riau Province has seen substantial in-migration in recent years and in-migrants especially from North Sumatra Province are the main driver of the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation. This study concludes that the migration of Christian Bataks from North Sumatra Province into Riau Province is largely connected with the established infrastructure of the Trans- Sumatran Highway. Keywords: Riau Province, Oil palm, Migration, Indonesian population census, Topographical maps. 1. Introduction As the demand for edible and vegetable oils has increased on the world market, the area dedicated to oil palm cultivation in Southeast Asia has dramatically expanded. Indonesia and Malaysia are the leading producers of palm oil and dominate 80% of the market. In 2006, Indonesia surpassed Malaysia in regard to total palm oil produced. Although urbanization and industrialization are at the core of recent economic development in Indonesia, the palm oil industry still contributes to economic growth to a certain extent. Largescale development undertaken by plantation companies has seriously impacted the natural environment and rural livelihoods. The outer islands of Indonesia, particularly Sumatra and Kalimantan, are affected by many issues, such as the recent haze problem caused by fires for forest clearing. Moreover, as NGOs have criticized, plantation companies are powerful enough to take over the land of local people. At the same time, it is, however, also true that the number of smallholders is increasing and their economic position is improving to an unprecedented extent. Historically, private and governmental companies had monopolized the palm oil industry because substantial capital is required to plant, fertilize, harvest, and process oil palms. Only plantation companies have had the technical capability to build palm oil mills able to process fresh fruit bunches of oil palms in order to obtain crude palm oil. Smallholders have cultivated rubber, cacao, and coconut on their own land since the 19th century, but none could even try to cultivate oil palms for a long time. This situation changed under the regime of President Suharto ( ). He initiated a rural development project called Nucleus Estates and Smallholders (NES) at the end of the 1970s that was strongly supported by the World Bank and international donors. People who participated in this project, who were called plasma smallholders, were given two-hectare plots inside company plantations on which to cultivate cash crops such as rubber or oil palms. The NES projects were implemented at several times and in several places in Indonesia and made smallscale oil palm cultivation in Indonesia possible for the first time. In the 1990s, independent smallholders, a new type of smallholder, appeared to increase in number in Sumatra. Independent smallholders were attracted by large profits from oil palm cultivation and influenced by plasma smallholders whose successes they had witnessed. In the last half-century, oil palm cultivation by both plantations and smallholders has expanded; this has drastically changed livelihood strategies and the landscape of rural societies in the Indonesian outer islands. Based on the 2013 Census of Agriculture, smallholders cultivated 3,133,711 hectares with oil palms in Indonesia 1. As can be seen from the map of the distribution of areas of cultivation, Sumatra is at the core of this expansion (Figure 1). This paper examines the adaptation of rural societies to the expansion of oil palm cultivation in Indonesia by focusing on Riau Province, where oil palm cultivation by smallholders has expanded most substantially. 2. Reviews of previous studies and the analytical framework of this study Several studies have already noted the consequences of the expansion of oil palm cultivation in Southeast Asia. McCarthy indicated that the resignation of President Suharto in

ushered in a laissez faire period in which oil palms were more largely introduced into villages and a process of differentiation deepened (McCarthy 2010: 824).

2 ushered in a laissez faire period in which oil palms were more largely introduced into villages and a process of differentiation deepened (McCarthy 2010: 824). Rather than explain the process of differentiation by using the simple terms of inclusion and exclusion, McCarthy based his approach on the concept of adverse incorporation to argue that local people engaged with the oil palm boom on terms that were disadvantageous to them (McCarthy 2010: 824). Many other scholars have also critically indicated that differentiation occurred in rural villages where oil palms became a significant presence in everyday life and strengthening the concept of capitalist labor process. By contrast, Rist et al. inquired as to why local people were so attracted by oil palm cultivation despite the fact that NGOs frequently reported that oil palms negatively impacted rural societies. They found that oil palm cultivation significantly contrary to tradition (Potter and Badcock 2004: 354). Although the land rights of local people are in danger of being taken over by plantation companies, local elites, and outsiders, who are typically in-migrants (Colchester 2011), oil palm cultivation is a new opportunity for local people, who can adapt oil palm cultivation to their traditional forms of land management. As these previous studies have indicated, the expansion of oil palm cultivation by smallholders can create differentiation and stratification in rural societies; on the other hand, the oil palm economy can also raise incomes and bring new employment opportunities to rural economies. In addition, the social impacts are not simply negative local people are able to adapt their customary ways of life and forms of land management to new systems. However, it is still unclear who the key players of small-scale Figure 1 Note Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders in various districts (kabupaten). Indonesian 2013 Census of Agriculture. The data are available on the Statistics Indonesia website ( The figure divides Indonesia into districts. Districts where oil palms are cultivated by smallholders are shaded in dark green. Districts where smallholders cultivate more than 1,000 hectares of oil palms are indicated by orange circles corresponding in size to the total area cultivated in that district. improved livelihoods in many rural communities, though it was also possible for indigenous people to become impoverished by selling their land (Rist, Feintrenie, and Levang 2010: 1019). Another study showed that oil palm development brought new jobs and income opportunities to local people (Feintrenie, Chong, and Levang 2010: 394). These studies have demonstrated that oil palm cultivation does not necessarily play a negative role in rural societies; it can also be a positive force for raising incomes. In a case study of the oil palm frontier in Papua New Guinea, where global capital in the form of oil palm production is interacting with local communities, Curry and Koczberski pointed out that the indigenous system of land tenure for traditional landowners has been modified but continues to be maintained in a new style (Curry and Koczberski 2009: 108). In the similar case of Riau Province, Potter and Badcock conducted a field survey in two villages and found that local people were slow to embrace new opportunities by adapting their livelihoods and had even sold their land for temporary income, though it is oil palm cultivation are. This is partly because few previous studies have taken a broader point of view on their research, though many have conducted detailed field survey in rural villages. It is definitively important to examine micro-level changes in a profound way, but the dynamics of rural societies at the meso-scale, which I define here as provincial-level, should explain the geographical patterns of oil palm smallholdings. Based on this meso-scale perspective, this study tries to reveal who plays the leading role in oil palm smallholdings in Riau Province. A path-breaking study by Nagata et al. investigated the social and geographic configuration of Riau Province by mapping its population distribution, including by ethnicity, based on the 2000 population census (Nagata, Arai and Manurung 2015). But the study s conclusions pertained only to the dynamics of population itself; the study did not examine oil palm cultivation by smallholders, which is what is actually driving changes in social and geographic configuration in Riau Province. To address the 4

limitations of previous studies, the following sections consider social dynamics in Riau Province caused by oil palm cultivation in rural villages based on an analysis of population census data and

First, contemporary social changes in Riau Province were mapped, with a special focus on migration from other provinces, based on the 2010 population census.

3 limitations of previous studies, the following sections consider social dynamics in Riau Province caused by oil palm cultivation in rural villages based on an analysis of population census data and topographical maps. This study encompassed two analytical procedures. First, contemporary social changes in Riau Province were mapped, with a special focus on migration from other provinces, based on the 2010 population census. Until the 1980s, the population density of Riau Province was low and land had still not been opened up for plantations or cultivation by smallholders. Inmigrants primarily from North Sumatra Province and Java Island are currently eager to clear the land for oil palm cultivation in Riau Province. Second, rural social dynamics were investigated in detail through an analysis of topographical maps at the 1:50,000 scale. These detailed topographical maps, which display vegetation, roads, houses, and religious establishments, provide information crucial for understanding social changes associated with the expansion of oil palm cultivation. Symbolic geographical features were analyzed as indicators of how in-migrant communities have developed. 3. Characteristics of in-migrants to Riau Province Riau Province has an area of 89, km 2 and is located in the middle of Sumatra Island. It shares its northern, western, and southern borders with North Sumatra Province, West Sumatra Province, and Jambi Province, respectively (Figure 2). On its east side, it is divided from Peninsular Malaysia by the Strait of Malacca. There are several small islands on the southern edge of the strait, including Batam, Bintan, and Lingga Islands, which were split off from Riau Province to form a new province, Riau Islands Province, with the promulgation of Indonesian Law No. 25/2002 (Undang-Undang No. 25 Tahun 2002). Hemmed in between the Strait of Malacca on its east side and the Barisan Mountains on its west side, Riau Province has expansive lowlands mostly covered with peatland. Because of four main rivers (the Rokan, Siak, Kampar, and Indragiri Rivers), Riau Province has a bumpy, swampy landscape. From Figure 3, which draws vegetation and land coverage in Riau Province, swamps can be found on the east coast. On the other hand, south east side of mountainous area is covered with forests. In the midland, there are huge development area of plantations and farm land; both of them are mostly oil palm cultivation. The pink colored area is Industrial Plantation Forests, where timber companies and pulp and paper companies plant teak and acacia for their commercial purpose. Figure 2 Figure 3 Map of Sumatra Island For the digital elevation model, the data of Global Multi-resolution Terrain Elevation Data 2010 (Data available from the U.S. Geological Survey) is used. Land coverage of Riau Province Data of land coverage in 2011 downloaded from the website of Direktorat Jenderal Planologi Kehutanan, Kementerian Kehutanan Republik Indonesia ( Although revenues from oil and gas dominate the Riau Province economy, profits are not necessarily redistributed to locals because only big companies are involved in the oil and gas industry. By contrast, oil palm cultivation is relatively open to all. Consequently, oil palm cultivation attracts not only large plantation companies, who engage in large-scale cultivation, but also locals, who engage in small-scale cultivation. Figure 4 shows the areas in which plantation companies and smallholders 5

4 engaged in oil palm cultivation between 2004 and The figure shows that the area cultivated by smallholders exceeded that cultivated by private and governmental companies. Independent smallholders with little support from the local or national government play a leading role in oil palm cultivation. It is generally said that in-migrants from other provinces comprise the bulk of independent smallholders engaged in oil palm cultivation. To determine the impact of in-migrants that have come to Riau Province to engage in oil palm cultivation, this section provides a preliminary outline of their characteristics based on an analysis of 2000 and 2010 population census data. (hectares) 1,600,000 1,200, , , Smallholders (total) Private company Independent Smallholders Governmental company Figure 4 Areas of oil palm cultivation by the main actors in Riau Province. Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province from 2004 to The first population census in Indonesia was conducted in the 1930s by the Dutch colonial bureaucracy. The modern population census was initiated in 1961 and has since been conducted every 10 years (in 1971, 1980, 1990, 2000, and 2010). Because of Indonesia s huge population and size, some critics have alleged that data collected and maintained in the census are inaccurate for analysis (Hull 2010). However, for researchers, the raw data from the 2000 and 2010 censuses have the merit of being available to the public. Taking inaccuracy into account, these raw population census data (individual data) are worth examining to analyze rural social dynamics at the meso-scale. The total population of Riau Province was 3,755,485 in 2000 and 5,538,367 in Over the decade between 2000 and 2010, the population growth rate was 47%. This rapid increase is the result of both natural population growth and migration from other provinces. As aforementioned, in recent years, there have been many in-migrants to Riau Province from North Sumatra, West Sumatra, and Java Island. Most of these in-migrants are seeking opportunities to become oil palm smallholders. Table 1 shows the population by birth province; as shown in the table, the number of in-migrants has consistently increased. The most surprising point is that the number of in-migrants born in North Sumatra Province doubled in a decade. Land prices in North Sumatra are several times higher than those in Riau Province; in-migrants from North Sumatra Province typically seek to purchase land for oil palm cultivation. In-migrants from Java Island also pursue oil palm cultivation in Riau Province through the government s internal migration project (transmigrasi), which has sought to move landless and land-poor people from densely populated areas in Java Island to less populous areas such as Sumatra and Kalimantan Islands. Furthermore, the number of free migrants from Java Island has increased as well in recent years. In-migrants from West Sumatra Province, who comprise another relatively large group and are primarily Minangkabau, tend to settle in the capital of Riau, Pekanbaru, or in suburban cities of Kuantan Singingi District in order to engage in commerce and trading. Because migration from other provinces began centuries ago, people born in Riau Province also vary in ethnic background: according to the 2010 population census, the population is 48% Melayu 2, 20% Javanese, 9% Minangkabau, 8% Batak, and 6% Banjar; people of other ethnicities comprise 9% 3. Furthermore, it must be noted that birth province does not necessarily correspond with ethnicity. While migrants from West Sumatra Province and Java Island are almost all Minangkabau (91%) or Javanese (93%, including Sundanese), respectively, inmigrants from North Sumatra are highly ethnically diverse: 45% are Javanese, 40% are Batak, and 15% are other ethnicities (Table 2). There is a historical reason for the high proportion of Javanese among people from North Sumatra Province: Javanese began to migrate to the northern part of Sumatra to work as plantation laborers at the end of the 19th century. Current Javanese inmigrants from North Sumatra Province are thought to be descendants of people who had originally migrated from Java Island. In-migrants to Riau Province significantly differ in regard to social background and ethnicity. Furthermore, they have taken multiple migratory paths, as evidenced by the second-generation Javanese migrants from North Sumatra Province. The next section considers the correlation between migration from other provinces and small-scale oil palm cultivation in Riau Province. Table 1 Population of Riau Province by birth province. Birth province Riau 2,608,240 69% 3,626,607 65% North Sumatra 401,861 11% 914,716 17% Java 399,081 11% 483,875 9% West Sumatra 237,367 6% 334,256 6% Other provinces 108,936 3% 178,913 3% Table 2 Total 3,755, % 5,538, % Indonesian 2010 population census. The proportion of ethnicity according to respective birth province Birth province 6

Riau North Sumatra West Sumatra Java Melayu 48% 4% 3% 1% Javanese 20% 45% 2% 84% Minangkabau 9% 2% 91% 2% Batak 8% 40% 2% 1% Banjar 6% 1% 0% 0% Sundanese 1% 0% 0% 9% Nias 1% 5% 0% 0% Others 7% 3% 1%

5 Riau North Sumatra West Sumatra Java Melayu 48% 4% 3% 1% Javanese 20% 45% 2% 84% Minangkabau 9% 2% 91% 2% Batak 8% 40% 2% 1% Banjar 6% 1% 0% 0% Sundanese 1% 0% 0% 9% Nias 1% 5% 0% 0% Others 7% 3% 1% 3% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Indonesian 2010 population census. 4. Meso-scale analysis of the impact of migration In Riau province, an oil palm plantation belt extends from the province s northwest to its southeast. This is partly for geographical reasons; the west side is hilly, the east side is swampy peatland, and neither is suitable for oil palm cultivation. Most oil palm cultivation by smallholders is in line with the plantation belt. Figure 5 shows areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders in each sub-district (kecamatan) in 2010 based on statistical data on estate crops from the Regional Office of Plantation in Riau Province 4. We can see from this figure that there is a large cluster of oil palm smallholders in the northwest and a small cluster in the southern part of Riau Province. This situation in Riau province raises the question of what the key driver in the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation in Riau Province is. To tackle with this question, the correlation between migratory patterns and the expansion of oil palm smallholdings was examined. Figure 6 shows the proportion of in-migrants from North Sumatra Province, West Sumatra Province, and Java Island in each sub-district (kecamatan) overlaid on the map from Figure 5. The distribution of areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders is clearly correlated more strongly with the pattern of inmigration from North Sumatra than with that from West Sumatra or Java Island (Table 3). In contrast, people who were born in Riau Province are scattered throughout the province, but subdistricts (kecamatan) outside of the plantation belt, such as those in coastal areas, have a higher proportion of people born in Riau Province. Figure 7 shows that people from West Sumatra Province have moved into the capital of Riau Province, Pekanbaru City and suburban cities in Kuantan Singingi District. Looking at Figure 6, we can find several spots where the proportion of Javanese is high. This is largely a result of the government s migration project (transmigrasi). Figure 5 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders in each sub-district in 2010 (in hectares). Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in Note Sub-districts with less than 1,000 hectares of oil palm cultivation by smallholders were omitted from the analysis. Figure 6 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders and the proportion of in-migrants from North Sumatra Province in each sub-district (2010). Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010 and Indonesian 2010 population census. Note This choropleth maps show the ratio (percentage) of in-migrants from North Sumatra Province relative to the total population in each sub-district, respectively. 7

6 Table 3 Note Correlation analysis of oil palm cultivation area and the number of in-migrants in each sub-district. Oil palm area (Ha) North Sumatra 0.69 * West Sumatra 0.10 Java Island 0.27 Others 0.13 Indonesian 2010 population census and Statistik Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Tahun n=151, * p<0.05 statistically significant. Figure 7 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders and the proportion of in-migrants from West Sumatra Province in each sub-district (2010). Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010 and Indonesian 2010 population census. Note This choropleth maps show the ratio (percentage) of in-migrants from West Sumatra Province relative to the total population in each sub-district, respectively. Figure 8 Areas of oil palm cultivation by smallholders and the proportion of in-migrants from Java Island in each sub-district (2010). Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010 and Indonesian 2010 population census. Note This choropleth maps show the ratio (percentage) of in-migrants from Java Island relative to the total population in each sub-district, respectively. In summary, these three maps show that in-migrants from North Sumatra Province in particular have driven the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation. It is, of course, true that not all in-migrants from North Sumatra Province engage in oil palm cultivation. However, as described in Potter and Badcock s case study in Rokan Hulu District, which is located in the northern part of Riau Province, Batak in-migrants come down across the border to buy up land and engage in small-scale oil palm cultivation (Potter and Badcock 2004: ). In analyzing patterns in in-migration from North Sumatra Province, one unique characteristic was revealed: more than half of the in-migrants were Christian (55%), a typical characteristic of the Toba Batak ethnic group. Although in-migrants from North Sumatra Province include a large number of Javanese, it is possible to distinguish between Batak Christians and Javanese (also Batak) Muslims by religion. Most other in-migrants, as well as people born in Riau Province, are Muslim; hence, based on the presence of churches, it is easy to distinguish communities of Christian Batak people. Therefore, by focusing on the migratory patterns of Christian Bataks, social and geographical patterns in migration from North Sumatra Province could be partially elucidated. Unfortunately, the Indonesian Bureau of Geospatial Information (Badan Informasi Geospasial) provides only limited digital data in regard to topographical maps. Thus, it should be taken into account that Riau Province in its entirety was not analyzed in this study. Figure 9 shows the distribution of churches and mosques, as well as main roads and vegetation. Although areas denoted as dedicated to estate crop cultivation include not only areas dedicated to oil palm cultivation but also those dedicated to cultivating rubber, cacao, and coconut, most of the area (at least on the west side) is dedicated to oil palm cultivation. We can see that mosques are scattered everywhere except for the forest area and are more concentrated on the east side, which may be considered an area of riverside villages inhabited by many local Melayu people. Churches have been established on the west side, where Christian Batak communities may have developed. Churches have been built along an arterial road, the Trans- Sumatran Highway, which originally ran from Aceh Province down to the south end of Lampung Province. Some of the churches that can be found on the west side might have been built within plantations, as a certain number of Christian Batak laborers reside in the area as well. This is evidence that the migration of Christian Bataks as 8

7 smallholders and laborers was strongly facilitated by the existence of the established infrastructure of the Trans-Sumatran Highway. Furthermore, the oil palm plantation belt in Riau Province extends along the arterial road. Thus, it can be said that people from North Sumatra Province have pursued oil palm cultivation opportunities along the highway to take up small-scale cultivation around the outside of the large plantations of companies. As aforementioned, the migratory pattern of the Christian Bataks is not necessarily representative of that of all in-migrants from North Sumatra Province. It is, however, quite certain that in-migrants from North Sumatra Province, who are driving the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation, are coming down through established major infrastructure. years and in-migrants especially from North Sumatra Province are the main driver of the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation. It is revealed from this study that the migration of Christian Bataks into Riau Province is largely connected with the established infrastructure of the Trans-Sumatran Highway. This analysis suggests that migratory patterns from North Sumatra Province, as exhibited by the Christian Bataks, will expand to the southern part of Riau Province, where evidence of small clusters of in-migrants from North Sumatra Province can already be observed (Figure 6). Additionally, since oil palm has to be processed at mills in 24 hours after cultivated, it is greatly important for smallholders to get easy access to the mills. In 2010, there are 146 units of mills in Riau province which are distributed in all the places where the smallholders cultivate oil palm. The increasing number of mills also attracts smallholders to expand their cultivation area. The analysis performed in this study has certain limitations: for example, a field survey was not performed and cultural and economic factors that drive migration from North Sumatra Province could not be elucidated. However, it may be concluded that the meso-scale analysis in this study supports the micro-level research that has constituted the bulk of previous studies. And the descriptive analysis of population census data with visualizing inmigrants distribution also widens our view for the rural societies in Indonesia. These meso-scale study and descriptive analysis may also provide empirical proof for these micro-level studies and can generally serve as a starting point for rural studies. Figure 9 The distribution of churches in the north-central part of Riau Province. All of the data were downloaded from the Indonesian Geospatial Portal, Badan Informasi Geospasial ( These digital data were created by Badan Informasi Geospasial in the 2000s. 5. Discussion and conclusion Many studies have focused on the meaning of and mechanisms by which smallholders have engaged in oil palm cultivation in Southeast Asia. Indeed, such studies have explained important phenomena such as rural differentiation and determined critical implications of impacts on rural societies. Based on the results of these previous studies, this study investigated the connection between migration from other provinces and the expansion of small-scale oil palm cultivation, as well as the dynamics of this connection thereof. Furthermore, inspired by the study approach taken by Nagata et al. and the term geographical configuration coined in their paper (Nagata, Arai and Manurung 2014), this study aimed to provide a broader (provincial-level) perspective on rural changes based on an analysis of population census data and topographical maps. Riau Province has seen substantial in-migration in recent Acknowledgement This study was supported by the International Program of Collaborative Research at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University. References Colchester, Marcus Palm Oil and Indigenous Peoples in South East Asia: Land acquisition, human rights violations and the indigenous people on the oil palm frontier, Forest Peoples Programme and International Land Coalition. Curry, George N. and Gina Koczberski Finding Common Ground: Relational Concepts of Land Tenure and Economy in the Oil Palm Frontier of Papua New Guinea, The Geographical Journal, 175(2), pp Dinas Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Statistik Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Tahun 2010 (Statistics of Estate Crops in Riau province in 2010). Feintrenie, Laurène, Wan Kian Chong and Patrice Levang Why do Farmers Prefer Oil Palm? Lessons Learnt from Bungo District, Indonesia, Small-scale Forestry, 9(3), pp Hull, Terence H Estimates of Indonesian population numbers: first impressions from the 2010 census, Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies, 46(3), pp McCarthy, John F Processes of Inclusion and Adverse Incorporation: Oil Palm and Agrarian Change in Sumatra, Indonesia, The Journal of Peasant Studies, 37(4), pp

8 Nagata, Junji, Sachiho W. Arai. and Gulat M.E. Manurung Social Map of Riau, Indonesia: Frontier Development and its Outcomes. Komaba Studies in Human Geography. 21. pp Potter, Lesley and Simon Badcock Tree Crop Smallholders, Capitalism, and Adat: Studies in Riau Notes 1 The 2013 Census of Agriculture targeted agricultural households (rumah tangga pertanian) with members engaged in agriculture, either by growing products for sale on land that they themselves managed or by working on land owned by other households. Province, Indonesia, Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 45(3), pp Rist, Lucy, Laurène Feintrenie and Patrice Levang The Livelihood Impacts of Oil Palm: Smallholders in Indonesia, Biodiversity and Conservation, 19(4), pp The category of Melayu encompasses the sub-categories of Melayu and Melayu Riau. 3 Regarding religion, 88% are Muslim (mostly Melayu and Javanese), 10% are Batak Christians, and other religions account for 2%. 4 Statistik Perkebunan Provinsi Riau Tahun 2010 (Dinas Perkebunan, Pemerintah Propinsi Riau). 10

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